Alma 47

Alma 47:1

1 Now we will return in our record to Amalickiah and those who had fled with him into the wilderness; for, behold, he had taken those who went with him, and went up in the land of Nephi among the Lamanites, and did stir up the Lamanites to anger against the people of Nephi, insomuch that the king of the Lamanites sent a proclamation throughout all his land, among all his people, that they should gather themselves together again to go to battle against the Nephites.

Alma 47:2

2 And it came to pass that when the proclamation had gone forth among them they were exceedingly afraid; yea, they feared to displease the king, and they also feared to go to battle against the Nephites lest they should lose their lives. And it came to pass that they would not, or the more part of them would not, obey the commandments of the king.

Alma 47:3

3 And now it came to pass that the king was wroth because of their disobedience; therefore he gave Amalickiah the command of that part of his army which was obedient unto his commands, and commanded him that he should go forth and compel them to arms.

Historical: We do not have a lot of information in the Book of Mormon about the political organization of the Lamanites. Using our understanding of the general Mesoamerican political situation, we may add context to these passages. One of the most important aspects of the Nephite political situation that we have been examining is the idea that there is a confederacy of independent city-states that have all accepted the governance of a particular city. That model is the basic understanding of Mesoamerican political alliances, and it is a very effective model to describe the types of problems we see in the Nephite world.

In the Lamanite world we had a glimpse of a very similar organization when we examined the story of the Anti-Nephi-Lehies. That story took place in Lamanite territory, and introduced us to kings of cities, and an over-king governing the political alliance among the cities having their own king. In these verses we have yet another picture of the loose control of an over-king over the city-states under his influence.

Mormon gives us an editorial explanation for the reason that some of the Lamanite people refused to go to war against the Nephites. From Mormon’s vantage point of four hundred years after the fact, and his focus on the issue from Nephite documents, we cannot trust his analysis of the reason that certain Lamanites refused to fight against the Nephites. Certainly this incident came fairly soon upon the heels of the major defeat of a large Lamanite army at the hands of Moroni, but it is very doubtful that Mormon’s sources would have an accurate assessment of the Lamanite reasons for reluctance, even if their most recent defeat might be a logical assumption on Mormon’s part.

The Lamanites who were defeated by Moroni were a combination of the Zoramites and the Lamanites who lived in the region near the city of Antionum. This area lies somewhat distant from the city of Nephi where Amalickiah goes to deal with the over-king of the Lamanites. We cannot be certain that the defeated army was officially attached to the king of the Lamanites, and was more probably a regional army from some city in that area that was attempting to expand influence.

The picture that is painted in these verses has the over-king decide to declare a war against the Nephites, and to assume that he has the right to call up a militia from his dependent city-states. Regardless of the reason, the discernable fact is that some of the dependent city-states refused to comply. This tells us that the control of the Lamanite king over his dependent city-states was as fragile as was the control of Zarahemla over the dependent Nephite city-states.

Mesoamerican kings did not have police forces that could ensure the enforcement of the edicts of the central government, and the dependent city-states could make attempts to separate themselves from the hegemony of the dominant city state. In such cases of rebellion, the response of the over-king was a punitive military action against the rebellious city (Ross Hassig. Aztec Warfare. University of Oklahoma Press. 1988, p. 25-26).

This is precisely what we see happening. While Mormon does not tell us that the rebellious Lamanites who refuse to go to war against the Nephites all belong to a single city-state, or to various city-states, the general picture of Mesoamerican politics is highly suggestive that this would be the case. Just as in the case of Aztec military reprisal against rebellious city-states, we see in these verses the Lamanite over-king mounting precisely such a retaliatory military expedition.

What remains unexplained is the reason that the king in Nephi would be so ready to move against the Nephites, and why he would be so trusting of a newly arrived Nephite turncoat in the person of Amalickiah. Mormon does not give us this information, but we may piece together enough of a background to begin to understand this event.

The first piece of the puzzle is the background of the king of the Lamanites in the city of Nephi. We do not know if this is the same king who was established in Nephi when the Lamanites drove out the Anti-Nephi-Lehies, and the king of the Lamanites who changed his name to Anti-Nephi-Lehi. Even were it not the same king, it would be the immediate successor, and of the same lineage. As we remember from the story of the Anti-Nephi-Lehies, this king was connected with a set of apostate Nephites. (see Alma 24:1 and Alma 24:29)

We have seen multiple times in the Book of Mormon where the apostate Nephites are the first to desire to conquer the Nephites, so it does not seem out of the ordinary at all that this king of the Lamanites who was of an apostate Nephite lineage should also be quick to desire some type of vengeance on or dominance over the Nephites.

The last question is why Amalickiah was allowed a role in the punitive army sent against the rebellious Lamanites. This is a little more complicated, because Amalickiah will use this position in the army as a base for a future move against the king of the Lamanites. How does an outsider presume to be able to have such influence?

To understand the acceptance of Amalickiah we must remember what we know of Amalickiah’s history among the Nephites. First, we know that Amalickiah was the focal point of a movement for a king among the Nephites, and indeed was proposed to be that king. The legitimacy of his claim to kingship was probably based on his lineage, and possible (as Sorenson has suggested (John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon [Salt Lake City and Provo: Deseret Book Co., Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, 1985], 163). When he comes to the king of the Lamanites he brings with him his legitimacy of lineage and his “right” to be a king. Thus he arrives with a form of legitimacy that would at least be respected in the Lamanite world. As a “fellow-apostate” he might easily achieve sympathy from the Lamanite king. This combination of similarity of goals and the luster of kingship that Amalickiah brought with him would be sufficient incentives to explain his rise to prominence in the Lamanite king’s view.

Alma 47:4

4 Now behold, this was the desire of Amalickiah; for he being a very subtle man to do evil therefore he laid the plan in his heart to dethrone the king of the Lamanites.

Amalickiah must have given the impression of voluntary submission to the Lamanite king. Having yet another “king” under his political control would have been seen as prestigious for the Lamanite king. The unseen danger was that this new subservient king had no intention of remaining subservient. Amalickiah was an ambitious man. He had attempted to become king of his city-state in the land of Zarahemla, and now has no particular city-state over which he might rule. With his ambitions intact, he now looks for a new conquest, and raises his sights much higher than just a single city-state. He is now looking to replace the Lamanite over-king.

Alma 47:5

5 And now he had got the command of those parts of the Lamanites who were in favor of the king; and he sought to gain favor of those who were not obedient; therefore he went forward to the place which was called Onidah, for thither had all the Lamanites fled; for they discovered the army coming, and, supposing that they were coming to destroy them, therefore they fled to Onidah, to the place of arms.

Social: The Lamanites who were in rebellion were able to be in communication with one another such that they were able to flee together. This is important for understanding the nature of the rebellion. If it were isolated, it would have been much more difficult to have any uniform action among them. The idea that they were all able to move in somewhat unified intent and direction indicates that this group was already one that had a ready social boundary. In the Mesoamerican context, it was either a city-state, or one or more kin groups. The fact that they left to a particular location, and that they appointed a king (in the next verse) suggests that this was probably a set of kin groups that had rebelled against the king of the Lamanites and were attempting to declare their independence.

Geographic: The hill Onidah is called “the place of arms.” This is an interesting name and description because we have also seen a hill Onidah in the land about Antionum. It was the hill on which Alma preached to the farmers who had been excluded from Zoramite worship (Alma 32:4). That hill in the Nephite lands is not explicitly indicated as a “place of arms” but there is a possible correlation. John L. Sorenson suggests:

“In the classic pattern of the ambitious Nephite dissenter, this man went up to Nephi to egg on the king over the Lamanites to war against the Nephites (Alma 47:1). Many of the Lamanite folk, however, did not relish undertaking one more of the seemingly endless series of disastrous wars in which the Nephites always seemed to come out ahead. This time the majority of rebellious Lamanites from the vicinity of the city of Nephi simply fled to a nearby location called Onidah, "the place of arms." Nearby was a Mount Antipas on top of which they assembled after arming themselves. Onidah clearly was in broken country no great distance from the capital city of Lehi-Nephi. In Mesoamerica, what constitutes a "place of arms" is obvious; it can hardly be anything other than an obsidian outcrop. This volcanic glass was the most convenient, most effective, and cheapest substance for manufacturing arms or any cutting tools. (Note that Alma 49:2 informs us that "arrows and stones" were the chief weapons of the Lamanites.) Trade in obsidian was the mainstay of commerce from earliest times. Some routes over which it moved extended as much as 700 miles.

It happens that one of the most extensive sources of this key material is the hilly zone called El Chayal, approximately sixteen miles northeast of Kaminaljuyu. Spots within the kilometers-wide obsidian exposures at El Chayal are virtually paved with waste chips, where cutting implements have been shaped by chipping. Obsidian from El Chayal was exported widely as early as Jaredite times. fn So the unhappy Lamanite folk, expecting to have to fight the king's forces to keep from being pressed into military service, first went to Onidah, perhaps El Chayal, to arm themselves, then moved to the tactical safety of a mountain top.” (John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon [Salt Lake City and Provo: Deseret Book Co., Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, 1985], 252.)

Alma 47:6

6 And they had appointed a man to be a king and a leader over them, being fixed in their minds with a determined resolution that they would not be subjected to go against the Nephites.

Social: There are two pieces of information in this verse. The first is that this people appointed a king. This tells us that they were in conscious rebellion against their over king, and were creating an alternate society. The fact that they created a king also suggests that this group contained a kin group that had some claim to the throne. It is possible that their defection was a result of their inability to further the political interests of the kin group within the established structure. Since the current king in Nephi was an apostate Nephite who had only recently been seated after a conquest, it is possible that these rebellious peoples were related to the political establishment from the prior ruler, but were not among those who converted to the Nephite religion. They would therefore have had a legitimate claim to the throne which was removed from them by the external conquest. Their desires to move into that position could explain their actions.

This leaves us with the second piece of information in the verse, which discusses their motivation for the separation from the king in Nephi. We should remember that this is Mormon’s version of their reasons, and there is no way that he could have had access to records that would accurately describe the motivation of this separatist group. The gross outlines of the actions could easily have been reported and made their way into Nephite annals, but the motivations would not have been faithfully recorded. Thus this is Mormon’s interpretation of the reason, and one that implicitly exalts the Nephites. That subtle exaltation of the Nephite military prowess does make this an appealing reason for Mormon, but it is probably his analysis rather than an accurate record of the reasons for this split.

Alma 47:7

7 And it came to pass that they had gathered themselves together upon the top of the mount which was called Antipas, in preparation to battle.

The hill Onidah was a place of arms, and the apparent purpose of assembling there was to improve their armaments. If it was an outcropping of obsidian as Sorenson suggests, then the purpose was to renew the lethal edges of their weapons. If it were some type of armory, then they acquired the actual weapons at that location. Whatever happened at the “place of arms” it was a prelude to an actual defense, and that defense takes place in a different location, on the “mount which was called Antipas.” Military commanders have long known the advantage of defending high ground. In this case, we are fairly certain that we have a smaller population facing a larger army. Thus they locate themselves on a mount that must have been particularly defensible.

Alma 47:8

8 Now it was not Amalickiah's intention to give them battle according to the commandments of the king; but behold, it was his intention to gain favor with the armies of the Lamanites, that he might place himself at their head and dethrone the king and take possession of the kingdom.

Textual: Mormon gives us a preview of the events that will unfold. Of course he has the text in front of him, so he knows what happens before he writes. Nevertheless, one might withhold this piece of information in a story to heighten the tension and develop the story line. Mormon does not do this. His intent is not the development of the story, but the concentration on the nature and motivations of Amalickiah. This incident takes place among the Lamanites, and is ultimately of little interest to Mormon except that it helps define Amalickiah, who was and will be important in the history of the Nephites as Mormon continues his narrative of these turbulent times.

Alma 47:9

9 And behold, it came to pass that he caused his army to pitch their tents in the valley which was near the mount Antipas.

See the comments after Mosiah 2:6 concerning tents among the Nephites.

Alma 47:10

10 And it came to pass that when it was night he sent a secret embassy into the mount Antipas, desiring that the leader of those who were upon the mount, whose name was Lehonti, that he should come down to the foot of the mount, for he desired to speak with him.

Alma 47:11

11 And it came to pass that when Lehonti received the message he durst not go down to the foot of the mount. And it came to pass that Amalickiah sent again the second time, desiring him to come down. And it came to pass that Lehonti would not; and he sent again the third time.

Alma 47:12

12 And it came to pass that when Amalickiah found that he could not get Lehonti to come down off from the mount, he went up into the mount, nearly to Lehonti's camp; and he sent again the fourth time his message unto Lehonti, desiring that he would come down, and that he would bring his guards with him.

Alma 47:13

13 And it came to pass that when Lehonti had come down with his guards to Amalickiah, that Amalickiah desired him to come down with his army in the night-time, and surround those men in their camps over whom the king had given him command, and that he would deliver them up into Lehonti's hands, if he would make him (Amalickiah) a second leader over the whole army.

Amalickiah is playing a very dangerous game. He has aspirations to rule over all of the Lamanites, and intentionally gives up control over an army of the over-king to become second leader over an army led by Lehonti. Above and beyond the devious intrigue of Amalickiah’s mind are the social structures that allowed this stratagem to succeed. The first important aspect of this stratagem was that the people of Lehonti must have had a claim to kingship that was recognizable, even if not in place in the city of Nephi. Only with a legitimate claim to kingship would an army be willing to make the switch in allegiance. This further suggests that the people of Lehonti were a lineage with rights of rule prior to the arrival of the new king in Nephi. The army that was sent comes from Nephi, and therefore would know the people of Lehonti and respect the possibility of kingship from this lineage. All of these subtle social interactions lie behind the events, but allow them to proceed as we are to see them unfold.

The second thing that we must understand is the reason for the easy capitulation of the Lamanite army. Mesoamerican armies were closely tied to the fate of the commander, who was either the king or a direct representative of the king. The fall of such a figure could signal the end of the war, regardless of the military situation. It is quite probable that while the people of Lehonti held a defensible position, they were less numerous than the army arrayed against them. When they come off of the mountain, they will still have a tactical advantage in the location, but their numerical superiority would still make it difficult to carry the day by force of arms. As it will turn out, that will not be necessary. What allows the larger Lamanite army to lay down their arms? It is the defection of their commander. With the promise of defection, the battle is essentially over, and the only thing that remains will be the formality of surrender.

The last issue is why it would be possible for Lehonti to accept Amalickiah as a second in command. While this might seem to be a political exigency, there was likely more to the acceptance than simple convenience. Amalickiah was king material in his own right, having some lineage backing that allowed him to be a king-aspirant in the land of Zarahemla. His elite position placed him in the position to be able to lead an army of the king and to be a representative of the king, and that same position as a member of the elite class allowed him to enter Lehonti’s command with an important position.

Alma 47:14

14 And it came to pass that Lehonti came down with his men and surrounded the men of Amalickiah, so that before they awoke at the dawn of day they were surrounded by the armies of Lehonti.

Alma 47:15

15 And it came to pass that when they saw that they were surrounded, they plead with Amalickiah that he would suffer them to fall in with their brethren, that they might not be destroyed. Now this was the very thing which Amalickiah desired.

Alma 47:16

16 And it came to pass that he delivered his men, contrary to the commands of the king. Now this was the thing that Amalickiah desired, that he might accomplish his designs in dethroning the king.

The trap is sprung. We have Mormon painting the picture of an army of Lamanites who are afraid and begging for their lives. It is possible that this happened, but much more likely that this is a literary conceit of Mormon. We know that Mormon has recently described a Lamanite army that Moroni surrounded, and the reaction of that army was hardly to lay down arms and cry for mercy. The difference between the two examples we have of surrounded Lamanite armies is instructive. Both are in a militarily difficult position. The army that Moroni surrounds fights ferociously. This surrounded army whines and begs.

The descriptions simply don’t seem to fit. The real difference is not the sudden lack of courage on the part of the Lamanites, but rather the position of the commander. The army that Moroni surrounds has a leader who fights and leads them. The army surrounded by Lehonti has a leader that has already given up and changed sides. It is that event that ended the conflict, not the supposed lack of courage on the part of the Lamanite army. We may forgive Mormon for his literary poke at his enemies, but we need not consider it historical information.

Alma 47:17

17 Now it was the custom among the Lamanites, if their chief leader was killed, to appoint the second leader to be their chief leader.

Alma 47:18

18 And it came to pass that Amalickiah caused that one of his servants should administer poison by degrees to Lehonti, that he died.

Alma 47:19

19 Now, when Lehonti was dead, the Lamanites appointed Amalickiah to be their leader and their chief commander.

After the uniting of the former army of the over king with the people of Lehont, Amalickiah puts into action the next phase of his plan. He has had himself made second in command, a position to which he might make claim through right of birth status as well as the importance of his alliance in bringing such a large army under the control of Lehonti. Of course Lehonti would not have acquiesced complete control, so Amalickiah does not ask for it, but rather obtains it by stratagem.

Amalickiah uses poison, a favorite method throughout the world for palace intrigues. Even with a right to a throne, the active use of force to obtain that position might erode the support base of the one who murdered for the sake of position. Poison has the advantage of achieving the removal of the rival without the obvious implication of the aspirant. In the ancient world there were no scientific tests to prove death by poison, so while suspicions might be rife, evidence was not. Amalickiah takes the path of least resistance to a position of leadership which has now delivered to him not only the army of the over king, but also the addition of that of Lehonti. Beyond the military capabilities, he also has a population of people that serve as his logistical support and perhaps even more importantly, can support his claims to legitimate right to a throne.

Alma 47:20

20 And it came to pass that Amalickiah marched with his armies (for he had gained his desires) to the land of Nephi, to the city of Nephi, which was the chief city.

Amalickiah has greater ambitions still. He is not content to rule over the people of Lehonti, but wants the position of the over-king. With the army under his control, and with the support of a people who had already rebelled against that king, Amalickiah has placed himself in a position where he may move against the over king in Nephi.

Alma 47:21

21 And the king came out to meet him with his guards, for he supposed that Amalickiah had fulfilled his commands, and that Amalickiah had gathered together so great an army to go against the Nephites to battle.

Alma 47:22

22 But behold, as the king came out to meet him Amalickiah caused that his servants should go forth to meet the king. And they went and bowed themselves before the king, as if to reverence him because of his greatness.

Amalickiah continues to conquer by deception rather than brute force. He has been able to keep the word of his defection and elevation to rule over the former people of Lehonti a secret from the over king. Thus the king in Nephi simply expects that this is the return of the triumphant army. He comes to meet the army with only his guards. There might have been more available army in the area, but it is most likely that the majority of them were sent with Amalickiah on this punitive expedition.

When he is met by the servants of Amalickiah, those servants prostrate themselves. This is probably the standard mode of greating when servants approach the king. While Mormon gives us this description, the event itself was designed to continue the impression that all was well. Had it been something extraordinary, it might have put the king’s guards on heightened attention.

Alma 47:23

23 And it came to pass that the king put forth his hand to raise them, as was the custom with the Lamanites, as a token of peace, which custom they had taken from the Nephites.

Alma 47:24

24 And it came to pass that when he had raised the first from the ground, behold he stabbed the king to the heart; and he fell to the earth.

These verses are an essential element of the story, as Mormon needs to explain the transition from prostrate servants to a dead king. The first important point is that the king allowed the servants to rise. Thus the servant who was to stab the king is performing a normal and expected action when he rises. Of course he must rise to be in a position to strike at a vital part of the king’s body. The second point is that the king’s arms were raised. It is possible that this action also placed the king in greater physical jeopardy. With his arms raised he was less able to use those arms to fend off the surprise attack, and the arms were not in a position to be in the way of the blade.

Alma 47:25

25 Now the servants of the king fled; and the servants of Amalickiah raised a cry, saying:

Alma 47:26

26 Behold, the servants of the king have stabbed him to the heart, and he has fallen and they have fled; behold, come and see.

The servants of the king have witnessed the death of the king, and certainly understood that there was a violent coup in process. With nothing to do to save their king, they fled. What they did not realize was that this very process of fleeing would play into Amalickiah’s hands. As soon as they are gone, the servants of Amalickiah raise the alarm, and blame the servants of the king.

Social: Why would this scenario be believed? Wouldn’t the servants of the king tell their own story? We cannot know all of the answers to the circumstances played out in this drama, but we can speculate on some of the possibilities based on the kinship tensions that are typical in Mesoamerican kingship. With the support of his own and other lineages, the king would rule. Nevertheless, there were frequently tensions among the ruling families. We saw an example of that in the analysis of the story of Ammon and the king’s flocks (Alma 17:27) where the most likely cause of the scattering of the king’s flocks was an internal feud between elite kin groups. These tensions were not uncommon, and likely not unknown to many, so the idea that the king’s servants might have killed him in order to benefit a rival clan might not seem that far fetched. The rest of the reason for accepting this version of the events is that it was accepted by Amalickiah with the strength of the army behind him. In a time when there was little means of mass communication, the idea with the best communication links behind it could prevail, and Amalickiah had much more access to open communication than did those who had fled. Circumstances piled up against the servants of the king to the point where their guilt was considered established. There were no modern courts to discern the evidence, and their guilt was simply declared and believed.

Alma 47:27

27 And it came to pass that Amalickiah commanded that his armies should march forth and see what had happened to the king; and when they had come to the spot, and found the king lying in his gore, Amalickiah pretended to be wroth, and said: Whosoever loved the king, let him go forth, and pursue his servants that they may be slain.

Alma 47:28

28 And it came to pass that all they who loved the king, when they heard these words, came forth and pursued after the servants of the king.

The plan comes together with Amalickiah entering as an avenger rather than a conspirator. He makes a great show of his indignation, and makes a show of chasing after the servants of the murdered king. Amalickiah aligns himself with the very people who would have been the king’s supporters.

Alma 47:29

29 Now when the servants of the king saw an army pursuing after them, they were frightened again, and fled into the wilderness, and came over into the land of Zarahemla and joined the people of Ammon.

These former servants certainly realized that they would never be captured alive to tell their tale. It is interesting that they elect to go to the land of Zarahemla to the people of Ammon. We know that they ended up with the people of Ammon, but we cannot be certain that this was their intention. It would be interesting if they had known of the people of Ammon as a separate settlement as that would indicate a greater line of communication between the Nephites and Lamanites than we suppose. It is more probable that they simply fled to the land of Zarahemla, and were eventually taken to the land of Jershon to be with Ammon’s people who were so recently of the same land and culture as these fleeing servants.

Alma 47:30

30 And the army which pursued after them returned, having pursued after them in vain; and thus Amalickiah, by his fraud, gained the hearts of the people.

Alma 47:31

31 And it came to pass on the morrow he entered the city Nephi with his armies, and took possession of the city.

Amalickiah has pulled of a nearly bloodless coup. He has taken over the rule of the city of Nephi and the land of the Lamanites by acquiring the popular support of the people and the very real support of the military. This combination trumped the kin group of the king, which was left with no real way to promote their own member as the new king.

Alma 47:32

32 And now it came to pass that the queen, when she had heard that the king was slain—for Amalickiah had sent an embassy to the queen informing her that the king had been slain by his servants, that he had pursued them with his army, but it was in vain, and they had made their escape—

Alma 47:33

33 Therefore, when the queen had received this message she sent unto Amalickiah, desiring him that he would spare the people of the city; and she also desired him that he should come in unto her; and she also desired him that he should bring witnesses with him to testify concerning the death of the king.

Alma 47:34

34 And it came to pass that Amalickiah took the same servant that slew the king, and all them who were with him, and went in unto the queen, unto the place where she sat; and they all testified unto her that the king was slain by his own servants; and they said also: They have fled; does not this testify against them? And thus they satisfied the queen concerning the death of the king.

Alma 47:35

35 And it came to pass that Amalickiah sought the favor of the queen, and took her unto him to wife; and thus by his fraud, and by the assistance of his cunning servants, he obtained the kingdom; yea, he was acknowledged king throughout all the land, among all the people of the Lamanites, who were composed of the Lamanites and the Lemuelites and the Ishmaelites, and all the dissenters of the Nephites, from the reign of Nephi down to the present time.

Social: This is a very important part of the story of Amalickiah as king of the Lamanites. While Amalickiah did have an apparent claim to kingship which he had asserted in the land of the Nephites, it would not have been a claim likely to have elevated him to king of the Lamanites on the strength of that claim alone. While he was able to acquire his position by guile, he needed to cement that position by creating a legitimizing link to the ruling line of the city of Nephi.

This is a process that we see occurring in later times on the stone monuments of the Classic Maya. Two rulers in Tikal beginning in 511 appear to have derived their right to rule from their association with a woman who has been dubbed the Lady of Tikal (Martin and Grube, 2000, p. 38-39). It was a typical practice for victorious kings to take wives from defeated kingdoms to cement the new relationship (Martin and Grube, 2000, p. 77). Amalickiah is following what will become a very standard practice in Mesoamerica when he convinces the wife of the former king to become his wife. With this link to the prior legitimate reign he more firmly established his grip on the kingship in Nephi.

Alma 47:36

36 Now these dissenters, having the same instruction and the same information of the Nephites, yea, having been instructed in the same knowledge of the Lord, nevertheless, it is strange to relate, not long after their dissensions they became more hardened and impenitent, and more wild, wicked and ferocious than the Lamanites—drinking in with the traditions of the Lamanites; giving way to indolence, and all manner of lasciviousness; yea, entirely forgetting the Lord their God.

Textual: This verse is Mormon’s interim conclusion and moral of this section of his chapter. Mormon wants us to understand that while the Lamanites might be undesireable, the apostate Nephites were worse. Certainly the story of Amalickiah demonstrates that he was a wicked man when judged against Christian morality, but he was an individual. Mormon nevertheless uses him has an example from which he generalizes to all apostates.

There is no chapter break here in the 1830 edition.