Alma 53

Alma 53:1

1 And it came to pass that they did set guards over the prisoners of the Lamanites, and did compel them to go forth and bury their dead, yea, and also the dead of the Nephites who were slain; and Moroni placed men over them to guard them while they should perform their labors.

Moroni makes a slight change in the post-battle procedures. We have seen previous occasions when there was a specific disdain for the dead of the Lamanites, casting them into the Sidon (Alma 3:3; Alma 44:22). Now he allows the Lamanites to bury their own dead, requiring of them only that they also bury the Nephite dead. One of the differences between the aftermath of this battle and the previous two where we have information about the non-burial of the Lamanites is that in this case the Lamanites are to remain prisoners. In the previous occasions they were released or had fled. Had Moroni denied the privilege of burial to the Lamanites, that inherent disrespect for the dead would have been known among the prisoners, and would have made them even more difficult to manage. In this case, Moroni allows them to pay proper respect, and perhaps earns respect in the process.

Alma 53:2

2 And Moroni went to the city of Mulek with Lehi, and took command of the city and gave it unto Lehi. Now behold, this Lehi was a man who had been with Moroni in the more part of all his battles; and he was a man like unto Moroni, and they rejoiced in each other's safety; yea, they were beloved by each other, and also beloved by all the people of Nephi.

We have seen Lehi in action with Moroni, and Mormon confirms here that Lehi is one of his most trusted chief captains. It is interesting that Moroni does not give the possession of Mulek to Teancum, who was the commander of the army in this area. Perhaps Moroni needed Teancum’s more unconventional talents in other areas.

Alma 53:3

3 And it came to pass that after the Lamanites had finished burying their dead and also the dead of the Nephites, they were marched back into the land Bountiful; and Teancum, by the orders of Moroni, caused that they should commence laboring in digging a ditch round about the land, or the city, Bountiful.

Alma 53:4

4 And he caused that they should build a breastwork of timbers upon the inner bank of the ditch; and they cast up dirt out of the ditch against the breastwork of timbers; and thus they did cause the Lamanites to labor until they had encircled the city of Bountiful round about with a strong wall of timbers and earth, to an exceeding height.

Alma 53:5

5 And this city became an exceeding stronghold ever after; and in this city they did guard the prisoners of the Lamanites; yea, even within a wall which they had caused them to build with their own hands. Now Moroni was compelled to cause the Lamanites to labor, because it was easy to guard them while at their labor; and he desired all his forces when he should make an attack upon the Lamanites.

Moroni uses the captured Lamanites as slave labor. They not only bury the dead, but build the fortifications for the city Bountiful. Mormon notes the use of the forced labor, and feels some need to explain it. The Nephite armies are split into a two front war, and they are fewer than the Lamanites to begin with. Moroni’s forces are already spread thin, and those who would have been able to labor on the construction process are already in the army and deployed for a more active defense. The Lamanites provide a ready work force that is now available for the defensive construction, and as Mormon indicates, it was easier to guard them with a few men than it would have been to have that many of Moroni’s men perform the labor.

The result of the labor is that the city of Bountiful becomes a very strong city. Mormon notes that it “became an exceeding stronghold ever after.” This would appear to suggest that Bountiful continued as a fortified Nephite city up to Mormon’s day.

Translation: We have another case of an inserted correction in the text. As always, there are the two possibilities for the author of the insertion, Mormon or Joseph. This one appears to suggest Mormon as the author of the insertion because the logic of the insertion requires that the writer hold both the concept of the land of Bountiful and the city of Bountiful in their head, with clear distinctions in the meaning of the two. There would appear to have been some preference for a reference to the land of Bountiful, as that is the first writing, but then the correction is entered for the city. This insertion is required because anyone who clearly understands the difference between the land and city would understand the impossibility of creating the described defenses for the land of Bountiful, hence the rapid change to the city.

It is less likely that Joseph would have been as understanding of the land/city difference. Certainly there are many modern readers of the text who have passed those terms and not comprehended the considerable difference between the two. This perceptual difference would have been much more likely to have been present with Mormon, suggesting that this instance should be seen as his correction to a word written in error.

Alma 53:6

6 And it came to pass that Moroni had thus gained a victory over one of the greatest of the armies of the Lamanites, and had obtained possession of the city of Mulek, which was one of the strongest holds of the Lamanites in the land of Nephi; and thus he had also built a stronghold to retain his prisoners.

Alma 53:7

7 And it came to pass that he did no more attempt a battle with the Lamanites in that year, but he did employ his men in preparing for war, yea, and in making fortifications to guard against the Lamanites, yea, and also delivering their women and their children from famine and affliction, and providing food for their armies.

Moroni has secured the most dangerous threat by removed the Lamanites from the fortified sectors. Before Moroni turns his attention to the western front again, he begins to improve the defensive position of the Nephite hegemony. It is important to note that not only does he increase the fortifications, he also has work done in the fields. He begins to “deliver... their women and their children from famine and affliction, and providing food for their armies.” This has been protracted battle, and has occupied many forces during the growing season. We remember that a year had passed before Moroni came to the aid of Teancum in the east. That delay had been caused by conflict. Having had a year pass, a growing season had already passed, and perhaps most of the men who would have tended the fields were in the military and actively engaged. The Lamanites would have had unthreatened fields, and perhaps more people who could tend the fields and supply the army.

The Nephites must have had a reduced number of people farming, which translated directly into lower yields, which inevitably led to the famine noted. The famine would likely have been worse among the women with so much food being moved to the armies who needed their strength for hand to hand combat.

What we have described here is precisely the conditions that should have existed in a threatened territory in ancient warfare. With the reduction in labor for the planting of the crops comes the diminished yield and the inevitable famines. The Book of Mormon text scores a direct hit with this description of Moroni’s concern to begin planting to alleviate the famine and to increase the available supplies for the army that is still in the field. We may assume that while Moroni keeps an alert, he has released many men to attend to the fields.

Translation: In verse 6 we have the phrase: “the city of Mulek, which was one of the strongest holds of the Lamanites in the land of Nephi.” Ludlow noted the problem with placing Mulek in the “land of Nephi:”

“The reference to the city of Mulek as "one of the strongest holds of the Lamanites in the land of Nephi" is puzzling because the city of Mulek is evidently located in the greater land of Zarahemla. (See Alma 51:26.)

Here are three possible explanations of this puzzle: (1) Perhaps this land is being called "the land of Nephi" by the Lamanites because they now possess it as they also possess the land of Nephi in the south. (2) The Nephites could have a "land of Nephi" in the north, although such a land has not been mentioned before and is not mentioned later. (3) The phrase "in the land of Nephi" might be used to identify those particular Lamanites mentioned in the verse and to differentiate them from Lamanites living in other parts of the country.” (Daniel H. Ludlow, A Companion to Your Study of the Book of Mormon [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1976], 236.)

Unfortunately, none of these solutions is satisfying. There is not evidence whatsoever that there was ever a “land of Nephi” north. The idea that the Lamanites would have renamed the land is interesting, but this is a Nephite record, and unlikely to use Lamanite names (indeed we cannot be sure that the Lamanites called their land the “land of Nephi.”)

What we have is a mistake in the text, one of those mistakes for which Moroni plead forgiveness (Mormon 8:17). The city of Mulek is in Nephite territory, but not the “land of Nephi.” This error is a slip in writing what was intended (John L. Sorenson. The Geography of the Book of Mormon: A Source Book. FARMS 1990, p. 286. Sorenson assumes that the slip of mind was in the “original scribe or Mormon.”). The question is who made this particular slip of the pen?

This mental slip clearly plays on the presence of Lamanites in Nephite territories. It is possible that the mental construction of the phrase should have been: “the city of Mulek, which was one of the strongest holds of the Lamanites in the land of [the] Nephi[tes].” The slip plays on the word “Nephi” and therefore depends upon the interchangeability of Nephite territory and the land of Nephi. This is the evidence that suggests that this particular slip of the mind was Joseph, and not on the original plates. While we may understand Nephite lands, “Nephite” is not the typical designation of the lands controlled by the people we know as Nephite. The internal reference to the political entity holding this land is the land of Zarahemla. Nephite was a designation for a group of people, but it is not used in the text as a reference for the land. Thus it would be very difficult for Mormon, who clearly understood the nature of the land, to make this kind of mistake. The commonality of land and Nephite would not exist for Mormon, but it could easily exist for Joseph, who was not as attuned to the geo-political territories as was Mormon.

Alma 53:8

8 And now it came to pass that the armies of the Lamanites, on the west sea, south, while in the absence of Moroni on account of some intrigue amongst the Nephites, which caused dissensions amongst them, had gained some ground over the Nephites, yea, insomuch that they had obtained possession of a number of their cities in that part of the land.

Alma 53:9

9 And thus because of iniquity amongst themselves, yea, because of dissensions and intrigue among themselves they were placed in the most dangerous circumstances.

While Moroni is in the east, the war has not been going well on the western front. The Lamanites on the West have gained some cities in the hegemony of Zarahemla. Mormon attributes these gains to dissensions among the Nephites. Certainly we have seen that the Nephites were prone to dissensions. How is it that these dissensions allowed the Lamanite victories?

The text does not give us the answer, so any answer is speculation. The types of dissensions we have seen among the Nephites all suggest that there were people in the land of Zarahemla who were sympathetic to the political and cultural life of the Lamanites. The kingmen were willing to allow the Lamanites easy access to Nephite territory. It would not be surprising that the dissensions that allowed the Lamanite victories consisted of yet more of the people of the land of Zarahemla expressing their preference for the ways of the Lamanites, and allowing the Lamanite victories by refusing to fight as did the kingmen, or by a more active sabotage of the Nephite defenses.

Geographic: Verse 8 gives us the interesting directional statement that the armies of the Lamanites were “on the west sea, south.” While the reference is somewhat confusing, it appears to indicate the southern section of the land of Zarahemla along the coast of the west sea. (Sorenson uses this interpretation in Sorenson 1990, p. 286. Ludlow 1976 suggests that it is the west sea that is now south because of the northward movement of the Nephites. This is much less likely. The Nephites have not moved that far north, and there is no reason to assume that “south” modifies the “west sea” instead of simply the southern part of the holdings of the greater land of Zarahemla.)

Alma 53:10

10 And now behold, I have somewhat to say concerning the people of Ammon, who, in the beginning, were Lamanites; but by Ammon and his brethren, or rather by the power and word of God, they had been converted unto the Lord; and they had been brought down into the land of Zarahemla, and had ever since been protected by the Nephites.

Mormon now turns to a dramatic story involving the people of Ammon. He begins this story having set up the problem of the Nephites. The eastern border that is closer to the land of Jershon is now secured. The people of Ammon are once again in fairly well protected Nephite territory. The military situation in the west is now desperate, and Moroni will certainly have to leave troops to guard the eastern borders. The loss of men in the war, and the continued need to divide his resources is depleting the numbers of Moroni’s available army right when he will need all of his forces to fight off the incursions on the western front. This is the military situation that frames the story of the people of Ammon at this time.

The first salient piece of information of which Mormon reminds us is that the people of Ammon were promised protection by the Nephites. They have received that protection, and are under an oath that binds the Nephite government.

Alma 53:11

11 And because of their oath they had been kept from taking up arms against their brethren; for they had taken an oath that they never would shed blood more; and according to their oath they would have perished; yea, they would have suffered themselves to have fallen into the hands of their brethren, had it not been for the pity and the exceeding love which Ammon and his brethren had had for them.

Alma 53:12

12 And for this cause they were brought down into the land of Zarahemla; and they ever had been protected by the Nephites.

Mormon reminds us of the oath that this people took to avoid taking up arms for the shedding of blood. They took that oath and did not break it when their own lives were threatened, so strong was the feeling behind the oath (for an analysis of the reason for the oath, see the commentary following Alma 24:11). It was because of this oath that they were placed in a land inside of the Nephite holdings that would be safe.

Alma 53:13

13 But it came to pass that when they saw the danger, and the many afflictions and tribulations which the Nephites bore for them, they were moved with compassion and were desirous to take up arms in the defence of their country.

The lesson of the eastern front showed the danger of an enemy established in defensible positions inside Nephite territory. That situation now existed on the western front. We do not know if the news of the dissensions had made it to the east, but while information might travel more slowly, it still traveled. We may assume that at least some stories of dissension reached the people of Ammon. This combination of dangers made it clear to them that the Nephite political hegemony was in grave danger. With Moroni’s troops being split, the need for more troops was apparent. These people who gave no consideration to raising arms in their own defense, not intend to do so in defense of their adopted brethren.

Alma 53:14

14 But behold, as they were about to take their weapons of war, they were overpowered by the persuasions of Helaman and his brethren, for they were about to break the oath which they had made.

Alma 53:15

15 And Helaman feared lest by so doing they should lose their souls; therefore all those who had entered into this covenant were compelled to behold their brethren wade through their afflictions, in their dangerous circumstances at this time.

Helaman and his brethren step into this situation. Moroni is the military man, but Helaman and his brothers are the religious leaders. These are the men who understand the things of the soul, not necessarily the things of war. It would not be surprising had Moroni been willing to accept the offer of the people of Ammon. After all, these were people who were probably trained in military arts. Nevertheless, it is Helaman and his brethren who intervene, and they intervene for religious reasons. The people of Ammon had made and oath to God, and such oaths should be taken seriously. This one was an essential part of the conversion process for this people, and one that had already cost them personal loss of life. Helaman understands that for this people the oath was a tremendous, but essential burden. Helaman does not allow them to raise arms because he “feared lest by so doing they should lose their souls.” That is a tremendous consequence to breaking their oath, and probably one that they understood, and were yet willing to accept. They had sacrificed for their oath, and now were willing to sacrifice all, even more than their lives, for their brethren.

Alma 53:16

16 But behold, it came to pass they had many sons, who had not entered into a covenant that they would not take their weapons of war to defend themselves against their enemies; therefore they did assemble themselves together at this time, as many as were able to take up arms, and they called themselves Nephites.

The oath of the people of Ammon was a very specific one, taken by a particular set of people. The oath did not, and was not intended, to cross generations (for an analysis of the nature of this oath, see the commentary following Alma 24:11). These sons were likely less than age 8 when the oath was taken in the land of Nephi, and now at least ten years have passed. Thus some of these sons might be older, but many would be in their early teens. These young men take up the arms that their parents could not.

The last phrase is interesting in that it indicates that these young men “called themselves Nephites.” Their parents are called the people of Ammon, and perhaps maintained some connection to their identity as converted Lamanites. Their sons, however, have spent most of their life in their new home, and their self-definition is not Lamanite, but Nephite. This is yet again an indication that the terms Lamanite and Nephite pertain more to the political sphere than to the genealogical one.

Alma 53:17

17 And they entered into a covenant to fight for the liberty of the Nephites, yea, to protect the land unto the laying down of their lives; yea, even they covenanted that they never would give up their liberty, but they would fight in all cases to protect the Nephites and themselves from bondage.

These young men take an oath to defend the liberty of the Nephites. This may have been an oath that they elected to take, or one that was requested of them. We must remember that there is still a conceptual division between Lamanite and Nephite, and with the dissensions in the west, the oath of fealty may have been an important part of the acceptance of the military aid.

Alma 53:18

18 Now behold, there were two thousand of those young men, who entered into this covenant and took their weapons of war to defend their country.

Alma 53:19

19 And now behold, as they never had hitherto been a disadvantage to the Nephites, they became now at this period of time also a great support; for they took their weapons of war, and they would that Helaman should be their leader.

Verse 19 gives us an interesting perspective on the politics of having a people who refuse to defend themselves inside the Nephite political umbrella. Because they required defense, but would not defend themselves, they has “hitherto been a disadvantage.” Militarily this was so, but they still were able to participate by providing supplies to the army. Now that their sons were taking up arms, they were at least providing a force to directly assist in the military defense of the land of Zarahemla.

These young men chose Helaman as their leader. Helaman is not a military man, but rather a religious man. Helaman may have been selected as their leader because he understood the sacrifices that both the parents and the sons were making. The sons would have accepted him out of respect for Helaman’s care for their parents.

This army of two thousand young men would not be seasoned military men. They would be unused to battle tactics. They would be inexpert in the use of the sword. They would be bodies, but might not be effective weapons themselves. This entire enterprise would require the blessings of the lord, and it is not surprising that leader himself was more a man of god than a man of force.

Alma 53:20

20 And they were all young men, and they were exceedingly valiant for courage, and also for strength and activity; but behold, this was not all—they were men who were true at all times in whatsoever thing they were entrusted.

Alma 53:21

21 Yea, they were men of truth and soberness, for they had been taught to keep the commandments of God and to walk uprightly before him.

While they had been actively taught to be valiant and to keep the commandments of God, they had also been powerfully taught by the example of their parents. Even more than words, the deeds of the parents taught the value of obeying the Lord, and keeping the commitments one makes to God.

Alma 53:22

22 And now it came to pass that Helaman did march at the head of his two thousand stripling soldiers, to the support of the people in the borders of the land on the south by the west sea.

This force heads directly to the place of greatest need, the area where the Lamanites have a foothold of cities, and where they are making headway against the Nephites. They do not stay in defensive positions, but rather go to where the danger is greatest.

Alma 53:23

23 And thus ended the twenty and eighth year of the reign of the judges over the people of Nephi.

The end of the twenty-eight year of the reign of the judges would be approximately 66 BC.

Textual: This is the end of a chapter in the 1830 edition. Mormon has begun the story of the stripling warriors because it occurs in this year. While Mormon is not proceeding year by year, he is still using the year markers as the major chapter dividers for this section of his work. The next chapter will pick up other action, delaying further development of the story of Helaman and his young army.