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1 And now it came to pass that Alma returned from the land of Gideon, after having taught the people of Gideon many things which cannot be written, having established the order of the church, according as he had before done in the land of Zarahemla, yea, he returned to his own house at Zarahemla to rest himself from the labors which he had performed. Alma 8:2 2 And thus ended the ninth year of the reign of the judges over the people of Nephi.
The answer comes from the examination of the process that Mormon used to create the text as opposed to what a modern novelist would use to create a similar work. The modern writer would be inventing both the linking narratives as well as the cited sermons. For such a writer, there is a minimal distinction between event and sermon. Both are part of the “history” and both are part of the same creative process. Mormon’s process was different. Mormon created the linking texts himself based upon his reading, but when the sermons were inserted he was citing directly from the sources. In a very real sense, Mormon is shifting conceptual sources, and this conceptual shift is reflected in the change of chapters. Inserted citations tend to open and close chapters precisely because he must directly consult his source for that material, while linking text may be done from his memory (with perhaps a check of an event or two, though it is more likely that he understands the historical sections and simply retells those parts of the history that provide the structural bedding into which he may lay the sermons that are more the point of his text. Historical: The ninth year of the reign of the judges figures to be approximately 84 BC. During this year, Alma “established the order of the church” in Gideon, just as he had in Zarahemla. This suggests that Alma continues to innovate an administrative structure to the church that is not necessarily part of past Nephite practice. Just as his father apparently innovated the concept of a “church” as separate from the political organization of Zarahemla, so Alma the Younger continues to establish a separate ruling organization for the church that is separate from the political order, but probably paralleling that order in logic and perhaps hierarchy. The particular organization is discussed following Alma 6:1.
3 And it came to pass in the commencement of the tenth year of the reign of the judges over the people of Nephi, that Alma departed from thence and took his journey over into the land of Melek, on the west of the river Sidon, on the west by the borders of the wilderness.
The geographical relationships of Gideon, Zarahemla, and Melek also explains the reason that Alma returns to Zarahemla prior to traveling to Melek. In Alma 2 we have the war between Zarahemla and the separatist Amlicites which begins on the east side of the Sidon. The Nephite army has been on the east of Sidon during this battle, and when the return to Zarahemla they do so through the valley of Gideon (logically the location of the city Gideon). This verse tells us that Melek is on the west side of the Sidon. This logically indicates that Alma had to pass by Zarahemla in order to travel from Gideon to Melek. Since Zarahemla was logically somewhere in the path between Gideon and Melek, it makes sense that Alma would return to Zarahemla for a time to attend to duties there before departing again. Sorenson notes: “Alma traveled “over into” Melek, indicating at least crossing an intervening elevation, thus it lay some distance from the river. The text also indicates that west, not some odd angle, was the primary direction of Alma’s journey: Melek was “on the west by the borders o the wilderness.” (Sorenson, John L. The Geography of Book of Mormon Events; A Source Book. FARMS 1990, p. 248-9). “This place is implied in the several references to it to be some distance from Zarahemla (Alma 8:3;45:18). On the western edge of the central depression of Chiapas one major settlement area stands out. Called the Frailesca, its name came from the fact that the friars fo the Comnican religious order of the Catholic Church controlled this productive territory in Spanish colonial Days. Near Villa Flores, the heart of the area, is an impressive ruined site now labeled Vera Cruz II. It is the largest settlement in the whole western zone that dates to the late second centry BC when Alma made his journey. (However, the Book of Mormon never mentions any city of Melek, so no large center need be expected.) A primary route directly linked Santa Rosa/Zarahemla with this Frailesca/melek region. The several adjacent valleys that together constitute the western zone would have constituted “all the borders of the land which was by the wilderness side,” whose people flocked together to hear Alma preach (Alma 8:5).” (Sorenson, John L. An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. FARMS 1985, p. 198).
4 And he began to teach the people in the land of Melek according to the holy order of God, by which he had been called; and he began to teach the people throughout all the land of Melek.
5 And it came to pass that the people came to him throughout all the borders of the land which was by the wilderness side. And they were baptized throughout all the land;
6 So that when he had finished his work at Melek he departed thence, and traveled three days' journey on the north of the land of Melek; and he came to a city which was called Ammonihah.
“The route taken by Alma from Melek ran “on the north” parallel to the mountain wilderness on his left. Beyond it lay a narrow coastal strip. During his three-day trip he seems not to have gone through any settlement worth mentioning. Since he was an older man by this time, we should not suppose he would cover in three days more than 50 or 60 miles. From the Frailesca such a trip would have brought him to the archaeological site of Mirador, a major regional center of western Chiapas from Jaredite times until after the Nephites disappeared. Its 30 major mounds are impressively concentrated in an area about 400 meters on each side. This place was prominent enough to justify the pride of the Ammonihahites in hits importance (Alma 9:4). Its cultural connections with the Zarahemla/Santa Rosa area were definite though not intimate, the same type of relationship implied in the Ammonihah people’s guardedly hostile response to Alma’s message (Alma 8:11-12). (Sorenson, John L. An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. FARMS 1985, p. 199-201. Sorenson’s speculations on the relationships between archaeological sites deserves further comment. While it is difficult to know of political alliances in this time period prior to the wide implementation of the Maya glyphic writing system, we may certainly infer from that later time the nature of the relationships between sites. They became, as they are described in the Book of Mormon, rather loose alliances where the cities have great autonomy with a more or less voluntary affiliation with a “central” city. This is the type of relationship that is noted in the Book of Mormon for Ammonihah and Zarahemla, and the archaeological evidence that shows some stylistic similarities would indicate that the two sites in question (Mirador/Ammonihah; Santa Rosa/Zarahemla) shared in a cultural milieu without necessarily indicating a complete relationship that might be indicated by greater exchange of material goods, or an even greater stylistic similarity between sites. In other words, the archaeological relationship does fit into both a Mesoamerican and Book of Mormon political style, and the geographic plausibility remains that these sites may have been those named in the Book of Mormon.
7 Now it was the custom of the people of Nephi to call their lands, and their cities, and their villages, yea, even all their small villages, after the name of him who first possessed them; and thus it was with the land of Ammonihah.
“The concept that formal ownership of (or at least possession of certain legal rights over) lands and other property lay in elite hands is evident in language used in the Book of Mormon. The key words that alert us to how the Nephites thought about these matters are “possessions,” “possess,” and related terms. There may have been two senses of possess. Sometimes the word could be translated merely “occupy,” as in Helaman 1:20 (an invading army “took possession of the city.”) But a prime example gives us the more usual and pointed sense, which is that possession involves the right to exploit the resources of an area including its inhabitants. Consider Mosiah 23:29. Alma and his brethren “went forth and delivered themselves up into [the hands of the Lamanites]; and the Lamanites took possession of the land of Helam” where they and their Amulonite toadies then oppressively exploited the goods and labor of Alma’s people for the economic support of the masters (see Mosiah 23:38-39; 24:9).” (Sorenson, John L. “The Political Economy of the Nephites.” In: Nephite Culture and Society. New Sage Books, 1997, p. 205). In Mesoamerica, as well as throughout the Book of Mormon, rights to the land centered in the leadership of the community. Thus Ammonihah is the founder, and rightfully the focus of the community as the one whose right it was to control the proceeds of the land. It also appears that lineages dominated the transmission of these property rights. We receive very little clear information of this in the Book of Mormon, but the model begins with Nephi and lasts through to the reign of the judges. It is during the reign of the judges that we begin to lose clear tracings of this dynastic model, but it was certainly apparent at the beginning where Alma the Elder yields the seat to his son. Once Alma the younger relinquishes it in Zarahemla the official record is no longer clear on the dynasties, but we may suppose that in other cities (such as Ammonihah) the leadership would have followed either the kings of the order of the Nehors, or the lineal replacement of judges as was begun in Zarahemla. An exception to this process is the case of the people of Zenock who inhabit the city of Lehi-Nephi. In that case, however, the city existed prior to Zenock’s people being given permission to settle in that city, and the name clearly carried over from an earlier time period.
8 And it came to pass that when Alma had come to the city of Ammonihah he began to preach the word of God unto them. Alma 8:9 9 Now Satan had gotten great hold upon the hearts of the people of the city of Ammonihah; therefore they would not hearken unto the words of Alma.
We have seen the order of Nehor as an important alternative religious systems in the beginning of Alma, and it was analyzed as the presence of outside influences on the Nephite ideology. It is logical that Ammonihah would be particularly susceptible to these outside influences if for no other reason than their distance from Zarahemla, which clearly makes it easier to have a different set of beliefs from Zarahemla.
10 Nevertheless Alma labored much in the spirit, wrestling with God in mighty prayer, that he would pour out his Spirit upon the people who were in the city; that he would also grant that he might baptize them unto repentance. Alma 8:11 11 Nevertheless, they hardened their hearts, saying unto him: Behold, we know that thou art Alma; and we know that thou art high priest over the church which thou hast established in many parts of the land, according to your tradition; and we are not of thy church, and we do not believe in such foolish traditions. Alma 8:12 12 And now we know that because we are not of thy church we know that thou hast no power over us; and thou hast delivered up the judgment-seat unto Nephihah; therefore thou art not the chief judge over us.
The historical lesson deals with the nature of the political and religious alliances of Zarahemla. Clearly Ammonihah recognizes the authority of Zarahemla over it. They reject Alma because he has no political authority over them. While they are aware of his religious authority, they feel no need to heed that authority as the do not recognize it. The separation of Nephite religion from the political structure is complete, and sufficiently separate that Ammonihah can proclaim political dependence while rejecting the religious dependence.
13 Now when the people had said this, and withstood all his words, and reviled him, and spit upon him, and caused that he should be cast out of their city, he departed thence and took his journey towards the city which was called Aaron.
Geographic: The geographic position of Aaron is not specifically stated, and the interrelationships led at least one author to assume that there must be two Aaron's. Sorenson's suggestion is that it lies to the east of Ammonihah, perhaps midway in the narrow neck of land (see Sorenson 1985, p. 204).
14 And it came to pass that while he was journeying thither, being weighed down with sorrow, wading through much tribulation and anguish of soul, because of the wickedness of the people who were in the city of Ammonihah, it came to pass while Alma was thus weighed down with sorrow, behold an angel of the Lord appeared unto him, saying: Alma 8:15 15 Blessed art thou, Alma; therefore, lift up thy head and rejoice, for thou hast great cause to rejoice; for thou hast been faithful in keeping the commandments of God from the time which thou receivedst thy first message from him. Behold, I am he that delivered it unto you.
The nature of that first message was dramatically present in the person of the messenger, and it is the same messenger that appears now. There is no indication that Alma has not had any communication from God in between, but rather that the rather special circumstance of a heavenly messenger had not been repeated. No doubt the faithfulness of Alma to the first visitation and the subsequent righteousness of his life led directly to the ability of the messenger to come to deliver this particular message.
16 And behold, I am sent to command thee that thou return to the city of Ammonihah, and preach again unto the people of the city; yea, preach unto them. Yea, say unto them, except they repent the Lord God will destroy them.
17 For behold, they do study at this time that they may destroy the liberty of thy people, (for thus saith the Lord) which is contrary to the statutes, and judgments, and commandments which he has given unto his people.
The answer to this question lies in the nature of the politico-religious climate in Ammonihah. As we have noted, although Ammonihah has political ties to Zarahemla, they are somewhat weak. This is not altogether surprising if they lie over three days journey from Zarahemla (three days from Melek to Ammonihah, added to the distance from Zarahemla to Melek). The final piece of the puzzle lies in the divergence of the religious system even though the political alliance is still nominally Nephite. As we will find out in later chapters, Ammonihah is firmly after the order of Nehor: Alma 15:15 But as to the people that were in the land of Ammonihah, they yet remained a hard-hearted and a stiffnecked people; and they repented not of their sins, ascribing all the power of Alma and Amulek to the devil; for they were of the profession of Nehor, and did not believe in the repentance of their sins. It is in this context that we need to remember Alma’s condemnation of Nehor himself: Alma 1:12 But Alma said unto him: Behold, this is the first time that priestcraft has been introduced among this people. And behold, thou art not only guilty of priestcraft, but hast endeavored to enforce it by the sword; and were priestcraft to be enforced among this people it would prove their entire destruction. It is no accident that the “destruction” of the Nephite way of life is part of this comment as well as that describing the danger in Ammonihah. The order of Nehor was clearly dangerous to the entire Nephite way of life, and Alma rightly understands that the spread of the order of Nehor would be destructive to Nephite religion. With the crumbling of the particular Nephite religion, the influence of that religion over the political structure would also be broken, and the society would inexorably move to the cultural order espoused by the Nehors, as has been noted previously (see the discussion following Alma 1:12 in this commentary).
18 Now it came to pass that after Alma had received his message from the angel of the Lord he returned speedily to the land of Ammonihah. And he entered the city by another way, yea, by the way which is on the south of the city of Ammonihah.
19 And as he entered the city he was an hungered, and he said to a man: Will ye give to an humble servant of God something to eat?
The point of the Old Testament story and Alma’s experience is to show how the Lord performed the miracle of matching two complete strangers in a strange city, when the Lord wanted the two to meet. It is not surprising that the offering of food would be the point that declares the person to the prophet, for the sharing of food is a very intimate experience, and an important ritual in virtually all societies. Even in modern America, the invitation to share a meal implies an acceptance of the other person. There is an assumption of some type of relationship when we invite someone to break bread with us. So it was with both Elijah and Alma. While the “code” was given, the precise nature of that recognizable act was more important than a password to the right person. The act of offering food not only identified the person, but also identified the sympathy of that person with the prophet, and with the Lord. This was not just a charitable person, but a companion in the gospel, and this important connection is part of what was symbolized by the offer of food. Of course the story of Elijah continues with the miracle of the replenishing food supply, a theme not present in Alma’s story. This simply indicates that what we have in Alma is not a copy of the story, but a paralleling of the theme from the story in 1 Kings. The parallel is given to highlight the divine call of Alma, a theme that is underlined by the parallel to the stories on the plates.
20 And the man said unto him: I am a Nephite, and I know that thou art a holy prophet of God, for thou art the man whom an angel said in a vision: Thou shalt receive. Therefore, go with me into my house and I will impart unto thee of my food; and I know that thou wilt be a blessing unto me and my house.
Sociological: Most surprisingly, Amulek announces that he is a Nephite. Why would he do this? To understand the implications of Amulek’s declaration, we need to review what it is that he might be saying. First, it is possible that he is declaring that he is Nephite as opposed to Lamanite. In the Book of Mormon we have many times when those two terms are used as polar opposites to divide people into the “us/them” categories. This certainly cannot be the case with Amulek, because he is living in a city that is part of the area that Alma certainly appears to believe is part of the “land” of Zarahemla (which is Nephite). Thus it would be surprising in the extreme for Amulek to declare that he was Nephite/not Lamanite. Certainly Alma would have been able to deduce that fact simply from where Amulek lived. It is possible that Amulek is using the actual lineal definition of the term. In the greeting he would be declaring that he is of the literal “tribe” of Nephi. This is certainly a possibility, as Alma’s surest introduction into the visited cities would be with direct kin (Sorenson, John L. An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. FARMS 1985, p. 311), and it is literally true as Amulek declares in Alma 10:3. The last possibility is that Amulek is declaring a politico-religious orientation. In the context of the story of Ammonihah, this appears to be the most logical reason for the declaration, “I am a Nephite.” Amulek is living in a city that is clearly dominated by the order of Nehor. This was a conflicting politico-religious view with that of the Nephite religion, and as competition, hardly the place where Alma would look for assistance. When Amulek declares that he is a Nephite, he is telling Alma that he follows the same politico-religious world view as Alma, and is therefore an ally amidst the opposition. For Alma, this declaration of similarity in mode of thought would have been of much greater import than a recitation of genealogy, even though it is true. What this tells us, however, is the extent to which Nephite has superceded its meaning as a marker of genealogy. It must be seen as a label for an idea more than a lineage. Since there was a separation in Zarahemla between political and religious, the idea of Nephite would be more heavily marked as a religious meaning than a political one, though there is no escaping the relationship of the two in the ancient world, even in Zarahemla that nominally separated them.
21 And it came to pass that the man received him into his house; and the man was called Amulek; and he brought forth bread and meat and set before Alma. Alma 8:22 22 And it came to pass that Alma ate bread and was filled; and he blessed Amulek and his house, and he gave thanks unto God.
“In Judaism while a brief blessing is recited before eating, a series of longer blessings, the birkat ha-mazon, follows the meal. Four blessings come after the consumption of bread, while separate blessings are offered for other foods depending on their nature and origin. The basis for this practice id Deuteronomy 8:10… This observance is also found in a Dead Sea Scroll poem, which Gaster calls Invitation to Grace after Meals; this poem paraphrases the language in the first part of Deuteronomy 8:10. It says, “whenso they eat and are filled,” noting that this is when men should speak of wisdom and think of the law given by God. “Crowell, Angela M. and John A. Tvedtnes, “Blessing God After Eating One’s Fill.” In: Pressing Forward with the Book of Mormon. FARMS 1999, p. 142-143).
23 And after he had eaten and was filled he said unto Amulek: I am Alma, and am the high priest over the church of God throughout the land.
24 And behold, I have been called to preach the word of God among all this people, according to the spirit of revelation and prophecy; and I was in this land and they would not receive me, but they cast me out and I was about to set my back towards this land forever. Alma 8:25 25 But behold, I have been commanded that I should turn again and prophesy unto this people, yea, and to testify against them concerning their iniquities. Alma 8:26 26 And now, Amulek, because thou hast fed me and taken me in, thou art blessed; for I was an hungered, for I had fasted many days.
27 And Alma tarried many days with Amulek before he began to preach unto the people. Alma 8:28 28 And it came to pass that the people did wax more gross in their iniquities.
29 And the word came to Alma, saying: Go; and also say unto my servant Amulek, go forth and prophesy unto this people, saying—Repent ye, for thus saith the Lord, except ye repent I will visit this people in mine anger; yea, and I will not turn my fierce anger away. Alma 8:30 30 And Alma went forth, and also Amulek, among the people, to declare the words of God unto them; and they were filled with the Holy Ghost.
Why did the Lord require Amulek in addition to Alma? Was Alma insufficient? Hardly. We have in Alma a tested prophet with an unshakeable testimony and a calling as the leader of the church in the land. What need did the prophet have of a companion? Amulek was a local man, and one who also had tremendous faith. While Alma might be dismissed as one who came from another place, and who said he believed because he had to (he was, after all, the leader of the church) Amulek was in a completely different position in Ammonihah. He was known there, and his belief could not be dismissed as foreign. Amulek brought with him social connections that Alma was lacking, and provided to Alma capabilities that clearly increased Alma’s effectiveness. There are any number of times when the Lord chooses to expand his “army” and calls many into service. The leaders are not the only ones with testimony, nor the only ones capable of powerfully bearing that testimony. The Lord calls Amulek, and it is the pairing that become legendarily powerful – moreso than just one of the men by themselves.
31 And they had power given unto them, insomuch that they could not be confined in dungeons; neither was it possible that any man could slay them; nevertheless they did not exercise their power until they were bound in bands and cast into prison. Now, this was done that the Lord might show forth his power in them. Alma 8:32 32 And it came to pass that they went forth and began to preach and to prophesy unto the people, according to the spirit and power which the Lord had given them.
Textual: This is the end of a chapter in the 1830 edition. This chapter not only indicates the structural method of Mormon’s editing, but also the frustrating difficulty in using Mormon as a source of history. In verse 31 we have the fascinating synopsis of what must have been several events. It is rather unlikely that Mormon’s assertion that “they could not be confined in dungeons” was only his speculation. Likewise, there appears to be at least one historical event behind the statement that “neither was it possible that any man could slay them.” We cannot approach Mormon as an editor with the presumption that he was interested in history. Mormon’s historical interests were nothing more than a frame for his overriding interest, which was the evidence of God through time, and the clarification of his doctrine. To this end, Mormon’s “histories” continue to be skeletal structures that are the bones onto which his flesh of copied discourse is supported. Mormon never tells us why he abridges history and not discourse, but it is an easy speculation that his reverence for the words of these righteous men was sufficient that he did not believe himself worthy of capable of alteration or abridgement. |
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by Brant Gardner. Copyright 2000 |
Alma
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