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MDC Contents
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Alma
16:1
1 And it came to pass in the eleventh year of the reign of the judges over the people of Nephi, on the fifth day
of the second month, there having been much peace in the land of Zarahemla, there having been no wars nor contentions
for a certain number of years, even until the fifth day of the second month in the eleventh year, there was a cry
of war heard throughout the land.
After a relative time
of peace, war again comes to the Nephite polity.
Chronology: The eleventh year of the reign of the judges would be approximately 82 BC.
Textual: Mormon uses different types of sources for his compilation, but it is fairly clear that one of
the major types that he is using at this time is an official historical record. We may notice that we are beginning
to get a much more accurate picture of time that we have had in the past. While past events were categorized by
years, we are now beginning to get events dated to a precise day.
It is quite likely that the Nephites named the months rather than referring to them by their number. Both the Israelite
tradition from which they came and the Mesoamerican tradition they entered named the months. We do not know why
Joseph left the month names untranslated, and referred to them by number only. However, the form of the dating
system we have would be at home in the Mesoamerican calendar that was apparently developing around this time. Mesoamerican
calendrics allow for days and months that repeat, and larger counts that also repeat. In the long count dates,
there was also a count from an origin date. While the specifics of the Maya long count calendar are different from
what we see in the Book of Mormon, the general outline is parallel.
Alma
16:2
2 For behold, the armies of the Lamanites had come in upon the wilderness side, into the borders of the land, even
into the city of Ammonihah, and began to slay the people and destroy the city.
Alma 16:3
3 And now it came to pass, before the Nephites could raise a sufficient army to drive them out of the land, they
had destroyed the people who were in the city of Ammonihah, and also some around the borders of Noah, and taken
others captive into the wilderness.
Geographic:
This Lamanite attach comes from a rather unexpected direction. The previous invasion had come through the mountain
pass leading directly to Zarahemla. It may be assumed that with that event in their past, Zarahemla would be watchful
over that particular entry into their lands. This invasion does not come there, however, but rather through "the
wilderness side."
When the last attack was repelled, the Lamanite armies and the Amlicites fled "into the wilderness" (Alma
2:36). With this next invasion coming from the wilderness, we may speculate that at least some of the Lamanite
army was able to return to its home, and mark another way from their homeland into the land of Zarahemla. In the
earlier retreat, the Lamanites had fled west and north of Zarahemla (Alma 2:37). This invasion has them coming
out of the wilderness upon Ammonihah, which is also north of Zarahemla. While we have no direct link to the mind
of the Lamanite, it would seem rather probable that this current invasion owed its origin point to the retreat
of the Lamanites from the last unsuccessful invasion.
Cultural: Mesoamerican warfare was extremely prevalent, and had many causes, only some of which were the
addition of tributary cities. In this attack there is no particular attempt at creating a tributary city, but rather
this is a war of annihilation. It is not a complete annihilation, however, as there are captives taken back with
the Lamanites. This is not an insignificant point. The capture of prisoners during warfare is becoming extremely
important among the Maya during these years (and later). Thus this particular invasion fits one of the Mesoamerican
patterns. Hassig has noted that forceful destructions were often part of the need to hold power (Hassig, Ross.
Aztec Warfare. University of Oklahoma Press, 1988, p. 20), and the previous defeat at the hands of the Nephites
may have been sufficient reason to warrant this type of bloody retaliation.
That this is a retaliation raid, and not a war of conquest is very clear by the actions of the Lamanites. Not only
do they attack and destroy the city of Ammonihah, but they take their captives and immediately begin the return.
There is no attempt to gain and hold a territory, nor to set up any type of dependence. Thus the function of war
was both retaliation and the collection of prisoners. When those ends were met, the army retreated.
Alma
16:4
4 Now it came to pass that the Nephites were desirous to obtain those who had been carried away captive into the
wilderness.
Alma 16:5
5 Therefore, he that had been appointed chief captain over the armies of the Nephites, (and his name was Zoram,
and he had two sons, Lehi and Aha)-now Zoram and his two sons, knowing that Alma was high priest over the church,
and having heard that he had the spirit of prophecy, therefore they went unto him and desired of him to know whither
the Lord would that they should go into the wilderness in search of their brethren, who had been taken captive
by the Lamanites.
The Nephites had been
unable to raise an army due to the rapidity of the attack, and the unexpected location of the attack. However,
they did find out about the attack fairly quickly, and desired some type of retaliation. It is not surprising that
they would want to gain the return of the prisoners, not simply because they were Nephites, but because of the
nature of prisoners in the Maya territories at this time. The fate of these prisoners was likely torture and sacrifice,
as well as political currency and prestige. The recovery of those people would deny the Lamanites much of the glory
of their attack.
We also begin to see in this verse the military function of the religious leader of the Nephites. Certainly we
have Moses as an Old Testament model for a priest with duties during war, but we have a slightly different role
here that may be related to the interpreters that are part of the royal possessions. We are not told that Alma
consulted the interpreters, but they were apparently available for such use as Alma requires to answer this request:
Mosiah 8:17
17 But a seer [one who has the interpreters] can know of things which are past, and also of things which are to
come, and by them shall all things be revealed, or, rather, shall secret things be made manifest, and hidden things
shall come to light, and things which are not known shall be made known by them, and also things shall be made
known by them which otherwise could not be known.
We are specifically told that Alma the Younger received them upon his elevation to the seat of the high priest
and chief judge (Mosiah 28:20). While they were clearly part of the emblems of royalty, it is possible if not probable
that Alma retained them as part of the responsibilities of the chief priest, since they worked only for those commanded
of the Lord to use them (Alma 8:13).
Cultural: Zoram is most certainly named after the servant who traveled with the original party. While he
was a servant in Jerusalem, he was clearly considered a respectable member of the Lehite community. The preservation
of his name indicates that it was associated with good memories and histories. We find no Nephites with the names
of Laman or Lemuel.
Alma
16:6
6 And it came to pass that Alma inquired of the Lord concerning the matter. And Alma returned and said unto them:
Behold, the Lamanites will cross the river Sidon in the south wilderness, away up beyond the borders of the land
of Manti. And behold there shall ye meet them, on the east of the river Sidon, and there the Lord will deliver
unto thee thy brethren who have been taken captive by the Lamanites.
Alma's answer to Zoram
contains information that is instructive for the real world in which the Nephites lived. The first question that
we can answer with this information is the specific path of the Lamanites. They were north of Zarahemla, or downstream
from Zarahemla. They must have retreated to the wilderness from which they had come in order to miss the Nephite
cities on the west which would have created a problem for their retreat with captives. Thus we may expect that
they traveled south through the west wilderness.
When Alma tells Zoram that they would be crossing the Sidom south near Manti, we find them exiting Nephite territory
through the more time honored passage between the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla. Thus we may suggest
that the way through the wilderness was a relatively difficult passage, and when laden with captives, and do doubt
booty, the Lamanites opted for the easier route home.
The next issue that is answered for us is how the Nephites who were unable to respond quickly enough to save Ammonihah
could still intercept the Lamanite army that had a clear time advantage over the Nephite armies. The Lamanite army
was northwest of Zarahemla, and had to travel to south of Zarahemla in order to exit by the pass noted. Thus the
army had to travel toward and past the stronghold or Zarahemla. Even though the Nephite army was unable to make
the trip north to Ammonihah in time, they did have time to head the shorter distance south. Knowing where the Lamanite
army would be further decreased the required travel time, allowing for the intercept near Manti.
Alma
16:7
7 And it came to pass that Zoram and his sons crossed over the river Sidon, with their armies, and marched away
beyond the borders of Manti into the south wilderness, which was on the east side of the river Sidon.
Cultural: It
is significant that we are told that "Zoram and his sons" crossed the river with "their armies."
In the world of the Book of Mormon, clan organizations were still very important, and the military organization
apparently followed clan lines as well. Thus when Zoram generals an army, it is one that is derived from his kin
group. As a leader in that kin group, he would certainly take his sons as further leaders of the army. We cannot
tell the age of Zoram, but certainly if he had fighting age sons, Zoram had to be on the outside of his life as
a combatant. He is there as the clan leader more than as a warrior.
Alma
16:8
8 And they came upon the armies of the Lamanites, and the Lamanites were scattered and driven into the wilderness;
and they took their brethren who had been taken captive by the Lamanites, and there was not one soul of them had
been lost that were taken captive. And they were brought by their brethren to possess their own lands.
Zoram and his army
effect a rout on the Lamanite army. Even thought he Lamanite army must have been sizeable to have wrecked such
destruction on Ammonihah, they had been in battle, and on a forced march through difficult terrain thereafter.
In comparison, Zoram's troops would have been much fresher, not having yet fought, and having come a lesser distance
though presumably easier terrain. We might expect that there was a reasonably well traveled road between Zarahemla
and Manti, and nothing that would prevent Zoram from using that method of moving his troops.
The only slight difficulty in this passage is the ambiguous "brought by their brethren to possess their own
lands." It is not easy to determine to whom the "own lands" originally belonged. It could just as
easily refer to the Ammonihahite prisoners as the Zarahemlaites. However, the subsequent verses make it clear that
no one entered the former land of Ammonihah, so we are to understand that the released prisoners were given new
lands from the land of Zarahemla.
Alma
16:9
9 And thus ended the eleventh year of the judges, the Lamanites having been driven out of the land, and the people
of Ammonihah were destroyed; yea, every living soul of the Ammonihahites was destroyed, and also their great city,
which they said God could not destroy, because of its greatness.
Alma 16:10
10 But behold, in one day it was left desolate; and the carcasses were mangled by dogs and wild beasts of the wilderness.
Alma 16:11
11 Nevertheless, after many days their dead bodies were heaped up upon the face of the earth, and they were covered
with a shallow covering. And now so great was the scent thereof that the people did not go in to possess the land
of Ammonihah for many years. And it was called Desolation of Nehors; for they were of the profession of Nehor,
who were slain; and their lands remained desolate.
It is hard to disagree
with Mormon that this destruction of Ammonihah is a fulfillment of the prophecy of Alma (as mouthpiece for the
Lord) against them. Mormon, however, wants to press home the complete victory of the Lord over Ammonihah. In Mormon's
narration, the story of Alma and Amulek in Ammonihah is a symbolic confrontation between the two great ideologies
that we see in the Book of Mormon, the Nephite religion and that which has been labeled as the order of the Nehors,
even though we may clearly trace its roots further back in history than the man named Nehor.
In this symbolic confrontation, we have the Lord against those who would rebel against the Lord. The predicted
destruction not only comes, but comes with a vengeance. Ammonihah is not simply destroyed, it is utterly destroyed.
It is not simply humbled, it is humiliated. It is not simply uninhabited, it is uninhabitable. The description
Mormon gives is more than accurate, it is his structural contrast to the pretended greatness of this city, which
withered before the power of the true God. As in the Old Testament, the fact that a mortal enemy was the means
by which the wrath of God was carried out does not change the essential facts in the least. For Mormon, it was
God's vengeance that was wrecked upon Ammonihah, in accordance with the prophecy.
Alma
16:12
12 And the Lamanites did not come again to war against the Nephites until the fourteenth year of the reign of the
judges over the people of Nephi. And thus for three years did the people of Nephi have continual peace in all the
land.
The defeat of the Lamanite
army provides a period of peace for the Nephites. It is indicative of the times that periods of peace might be
measured in three years, and considered a long period of peace. Mesoamerica during these years saw an increase
in the inter-city violence and wars.
Alma
16:13
13 And Alma and Amulek went forth preaching repentance to the people in their temples, and in their sanctuaries,
and also in their synagogues, which were built after the manner of the Jews.
Cultural/Translation:
Mormon mentions three types of public gathering points, temples, sanctuaries, and synagogues. He immediately follows
this with "which were built after the manner of the Jews." This is problematic in that the particulars
of the translation do not match with the historical facts. There were no synagogues at the time of Lehi, therefore
there would be no Jewish model upon which they might be built. We do not know what kind of building a "sanctuary"
was, and indeed, it may not have been a type of building at all, but rather a location. We do know, however, that
the first temple erected in the New World by Nephi was built on a Jewish model (2 Nephi 5:16).
In all of these cases, however, it is difficult to understand how a Jewish model might have survived. Temples were
certainly following Mesoamerican models, if we have any understanding of any of the archaeological sites where
the Book of Mormon might possibly have taken place. We are left, then with a problem of terms. As far as "after
the manner of the Jews" is concerned, we really have no idea what such a phrase might have meant to Mormon,
writing a thousand years distant from any contact with "the manner of the Jews." If we suppose that his
original source had this line, then we still have nearly a 500 year separation from a direct influence. The simplest
answer to this particular phrase is to see it as indicative of a style rather than a blueprint. In modern architecture,
there are modern buildings that are clearly modern, but which have decorative themes that evoke a more ancient
style. Perhaps this is the meaning of "after the manner of the Jews."
It is still possible that we are seeing not a specific translation of the source, but an interpolation of Joseph,
an artifact of his translation method. As we have seen in many other cases, Joseph was not familiar with the specifics
of the Mesoamerican world, and appears to have interpolated in his own understandings upon the text on the plates.
This may be another of those cases, we cannot tell.
What we can tell, however, is that there are three types of sacred places for the Nephites. We understand temples,
at least we have access to much information on the ancient temple. We must remember that these locations may share
a name with the modern temple, they were quite different in function. In the Book of Mormon we frequently see them
as gathering places for public speeches, a function not possible with modern temples, but well suited to the ancient
Mesoamerican temple with its courtyard and elevated platforms upon which a speaker could be easily seen.
A synagogue would be a term for a physical building of meeting. In this case, while we do not know of a particular
counterpart, it is not surprising to find such a functional location among the Nephites, now that there are churches
which have a worship procedure that is separate from the larger culture and society. It is precisely in these conditions
of separation from the larger community that such locations are required. Thus while the name might be anachronistic,
the function is completely logical.
Sanctuaries are much more difficult to discuss because we have no information on how they were used. In Israel
there were sacred locations, usually groves, in the hills. Mesoamerican religion had a similar veneration for sacred
spaces in nature, and it is possible that there is a confluence of ideas in the sanctuary that describes such a
sacred space in nature. This might be marked with an altar, but might not have any permanent structure at all.
At least one sanctuary does have an altar, as witnessed in Alma 15:17. We have two references to building sanctuaries
(Alma 21:6, 22:7) though we are not told what needed to be built. Sanctuaries are always places of gathering, however,
so even if they are "in nature" they would have required clearing of land sufficient to gather, a process
that may be construed as "building."
Alma
16:14
14 And as many as would hear their words, unto them they did impart the word of God, without any respect of persons,
continually.
Mormon has told us
this story to show the triumph of the Lord over the order of the Nehors. In the concluding section, he continues
this theme, but applies it subtly. In this case, he notes that as Alma and Amulek preach, they do so "without
any respect of persons." This is a direct contradiction of the Nehorite doctrine of social inequality. That
separation of peoples into strata was integral to the Nehorite philosophy. In the victory over that, Mormon emphasizes
that this gospel goes without respect for person.
Alma
16:15
15 And thus did Alma and Amulek go forth, and also many more who had been chosen for the work, to preach the word
throughout all the land. And the establishment of the church became general throughout the land, in all the region
round about, among all the people of the Nephites.
Alma 16:16
16 And there was no inequality among them; the Lord did pour out his Spirit on all the face of the land to prepare
the minds of the children of men, or to prepare their hearts to receive the word which should be taught among them
at the time of his coming-
While Mormon describes
the church as "general throughout the land" this is given as a marker of success. It is meant to lead
us to believe that there was tremendous and universal success in preaching the gospel. It is certain that there
was success, but subsequent events will show that it was surely not universal. The term "general" does
not tell us that it was universal, and does allow for those who continued in unbelief. At this point, Mormon's
purpose is not to describe accurately the social conditions, but to continue the contrast between the Ammonihahite
Nehors and the gospel that is victorious over that threat (for the moment).
We see the continuation of Mormon's theme of victory over the Nehorites in the statement that "there was no
inequality among them." This is again directed at the heart of Nehorite doctrine, that has always espoused
social and economic disparity. The egalitarian ideal is uniquely Nephite.
Alma
16:17
17 That they might not be hardened against the word, that they might not be unbelieving, and go on to destruction,
but that they might receive the word with joy, and as a branch be grafted into the true vine, that they might enter
into the rest of the Lord their God.
Here is another explicit
contrast. Mormon invokes the ghost of Ammonihah by citing what the believers were fortifying themselves against.
The hardening against the word, the unbelieving, and particularly the destruction, are direct references to the
story of Ammonihah. This is contrasted with the true believers, who "enter into the rest of the Lord…"
which was another recurrent theme of Alma's discourse in Ammonihah. We should see this paragraph as clearly linked
to the events of the story as Mormon told them. We are in the midst of Mormon's extraction of the moral of the
story he has just included.
Alma
16:18
18 Now those priests who did go forth among the people did preach against all lyings, and deceivings, and envyings,
and strifes, and malice, and revilings, and stealing, robbing, plundering, murdering, committing adultery, and
all manner of lasciviousness, crying that these things ought not so to be-
These traits are again
personified in the wickedness of Ammonihah.
Alma
16:19
19 Holding forth things which must shortly come; yea, holding forth the coming of the Son of God, his sufferings
and death, and also the resurrection of the dead.
The theme of the coming
Atoning Messiah, and Alma's discourse in resurrection are recapitulated.
Alma
16:20
20 And many of the people did inquire concerning the place where the Son of God should come; and they were taught
that he would appear unto them after his resurrection; and this the people did hear with great joy and gladness.
Just as the Lord was
victorious over Ammonihah, so Alma and Amulek are victorious in their preaching. The people begin to inquire about
the Son of God and look forward to his coming and resurrection. These were important themes in the verbal conflict
between Amulek and Zeezrom. Each of these themes is the direct "victory" over the attempted suppression
of these truths in Ammonihah.
Alma
16:21
21 And now after the church had been established throughout all the land-having got the victory over the devil,
and the word of God being preached in its purity in all the land, and the Lord pouring out his blessings upon the
people-thus ended the fourteenth year of the reign of the judges over the people of Nephi.
Mormon's theme becomes
crystal clear when he declares a "victory over the devil."
Chronological: The end of the 14th year corresponds to about 79 BC.
Textual: This is the end of a chapter in both the modern and 1830 editions. This entire chapter is Mormon's
conclusion to the story of Alma in Ammonihah. The next chapter begins a completely different set of stories.
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