Alma 51

Alma 51:1

1 And now it came to pass in the commencement of the twenty and fifth year of the reign of the judges over the people of Nephi, they having established peace between the people of Lehi and the people of Morianton concerning their lands, and having commenced the twenty and fifth year in peace;

Alma 51:2

2 Nevertheless, they did not long maintain an entire peace in the land, for there began to be a contention among the people concerning the chief judge Pahoran; for behold, there were a part of the people who desired that a few particular points of the law should be altered.

Two chapters ago Mormon concluded with a peaceful and a righteous people. In the last chapter a city rebelled, but that rebellion was quieted. Things are now going to get worse. The first problem is even more serious than the defection of a city, because it is an internal contention that could tear then entire polity apart. It begins with a political disagreement. It is apparently not the obvious attack on the government that Amalickiah had attempted where his first move was to establish himself as a king, but it is a move against the laws of the land. We are not told what those laws might have been, but from the nature of those who are supporting the changes, we might assume that they encompass some changes in the social structure of society, as this has been the contention point throughout Nephite history, and particularly whenever the word “king” begins to be bandied about.

Alma 51:3

3 But behold, Pahoran would not alter nor suffer the law to be altered; therefore, he did not hearken to those who had sent in their voices with their petitions concerning the altering of the law.

Political: We should note how the process of change appeared to work among the Nephites. The only thing we hear that resembles the “voice of the people” in this example is that those who want to change the law “had sent in their voices with their petitions.” As with other examples of the operations of the voiced of the people we don’t get a precise definition of how the system worked, but it appears that this effort to change the law occurs with in the bounds of the law. There is a petition made, and it has the support of some portion of people who lend their “voice” to that petition. What is interesting is that the petition comes directly to Pahoran and he unilaterally denies the changes in law.

This is an important point for those who would suggest that the Book of Mormon replicates democracy. In this important instance of the attempt to change the law, there is nothing that suggests that the change is put to a vote. The entire people do not decide the issue, but rather the single man who has been placed in the judgment seat – a man who received that seat by heredity, not by vote. While there is the appearance of democracy in the presentation of the petition, the actual operation of the judgment on that petition suggests that there was a very different system at work.

Alma 51:4

4 Therefore, those who were desirous that the law should be altered were angry with him, and desired that he should no longer be chief judge over the land; therefore there arose a warm dispute concerning the matter, but not unto bloodshed.

While Pahoran’s judgment is considered final for the people of the land of Zarahemla, that judgment is not accepted gracefully by the contingent of people who brought the petition in the first place. Having failed at making the change within the system, they still intend to make the change, and therefore work to change the system, beginning with the removal of the chief judge. This is the situation foreseen by Mosiah when he established the judgeship. He understood that the majority of the people would prefer good leaders, but that there would be some who did not. As that group who did not increased in numbers and popularity, there could come a time when the majority of the people would not want good leaders (good being defined as those supporting the Nephite religious and political ideals) and then there would be a change (Mosiah 29:26-7).

At this point in the history of the Nephite nation, this division of opinions is reaching a critical mass. It is not yet at the point of bloodshed, for there is a final mechanism in place, and they move to the point of that mechanism.

Alma 51:5

5 And it came to pass that those who were desirous that Pahoran should be dethroned from the judgment-seat were called king-men, for they were desirous that the law should be altered in a manner to overthrow the free government and to establish a king over the land.

Political: When we are first introduced to this group of people they might appear to be citizens simply desiring some changes in the law. We now find out that they are the same kind of people that we have seen cropping up throughout the history of the Nephites in Zarahemla. These are those who may be easily categorized by their desire for a king.

As we have seen in the past, this is not a simple change of governmental style. With the change in the political structure to enthrone a king rather than have a judge, they intend to bring with them an entire lifestyle that is associated with the kings as seen in the surrounding lands, those lands that are typically defined as Lamanite. In terms of Mesoamerica, these lands would be the trading partners where the traders from the land of Zarahemla are receiving their wealth. With that wealth comes also the concepts that support the value of the objects acquired.

It is perhaps difficult to understand this from a modern perspective. We are used to a monetary economy where value is independent from the thing valued. We can convert all of our values into their monetary equivalent. Homes are not intrinsically valuable, but change in their value according to the money that would be required to exchange for them. It is for this reason that a home will be “worth” more or less depending upon the changes in the economy. Some who buy homes find that they increase in value even though they are older, and perhaps in less pristine condition, because the land and demand around them increases. Similarly, there are those unfortunate ones whose houses have decreased in value because of changes in the economic climate. All of these changes occur because value may be separated from the thing, and defined by the medium of exchange for that thing.

In a non-monetary economy, the value is in the thing itself. A piece of clothing is more or less valuable because of its scarcity, and because of what it is. For instance, even in our monetary economy, we would understand that a centuries-old king’s robe is worth more than a centuries-old peasant’s cloak. Even discounting the materials or the workmanship, it is the association of the clothing with the position that lends it valuable.

Another modern example of how association can change the value of the item might be in the arena of sports memorabilia. One may purchase an old baseball. An old baseball of the same age, but bearing the signature of Babe Ruth is unquestionably more valuable. There is nothing in the baseball itself that changes the value, but rather the association with a particular person that has historical status.

It is in this light that we must understand the effect of the trading economy on the Nephites. As they bring in “wealth” it is not wealth defined in an arbitrary exchange such as money, but rather a wealth that is associated with the status of the item itself. If they imported clothing “fit for a king,” the value of that clothing is enhanced by the social status associated with it. The problem for Nephite society was that the nature of the wealth they accumulated and the egalitarian social structure were at odds with each other. They would accumulate wealth in the guise of elite items, but if they themselves were not “elite,” then the conceptual value of the item diminished. The items were valuable for the position they signified, and in Nephite society, there was no way to signify that social difference.

The people who fomented for a king were always the richest of Nephite society, a situation that is completely understandable, for it was they who not only understood the associative value of their wealth, but most missed that advantage within their own culture. They want a king, but a king as representative of a way of life that supported the value of the wealth they had acquired.

Alma 51:6

6 And those who were desirous that Pahoran should remain chief judge over the land took upon them the name of freemen; and thus was the division among them, for the freemen had sworn or covenanted to maintain their rights and the privileges of their religion by a free government.

Political/Social: As we have watched the development of Nephite society from Mosiah II to this time, we have seen that there has been an increasing division of the people into two major segments. There are those who are church members, and those who are not. Now there are free-men and king-men. This naming of the factions is a significant step in the evolutionary development of Nephite society. With factions sufficiently large and cohesive that they may not only be named, but named in opposition to each other, we see a society on the brink of a civil war. This is not a simple Democrat/Republican dispute. This is a difference that tears at the entire political and social realm. This is an absolute division, with an opposition so severe that two large factions so diametrically opposed will not be able to coexist. This is a dispute so fundamental that mediation will not work. One side must win, and the other lose. There will be no compromise because the size of the parties involved.

Alma 51:7

7 And it came to pass that this matter of their contention was settled by the voice of the people. And it came to pass that the voice of the people came in favor of the freemen, and Pahoran retained the judgment-seat, which caused much rejoicing among the brethren of Pahoran and also many of the people of liberty, who also put the king-men to silence, that they durst not oppose but were obliged to maintain the cause of freedom.

The question of the judgment seat is brought to the voice of the people, which mechanism shows the majority in favor of the freemen. At this point the kingmen understand that they don’t yet have sufficient numbers to force the issue, and so they are silenced. As we will see, their acquiescence at this time does not stop their desires; it only changes the timing. Mormon gives us this glimpse of the social tension precisely because it will become important in the events that follow.

Alma 51:8

8 Now those who were in favor of kings were those of high birth, and they sought to be kings; and they were supported by those who sought power and authority over the people.

Political/Social: Mormon gives us yet more information about those who were the kingmen, information we could easily deduce from their support of the kingship, but which nevertheless confirms the suppositions that we are making. These are those “of high birth.” They are those who already have some standing in the community. They likely belong to older clans, or to the ruling positions in other cities. We should remember the class of people who supported Amalickiah in his bid to become a king not six years earlier. Amalickiah’s supporters consisted of “the greater part of them the lower judges of the land” (Alma 46:4). Amalickiah gained his support from those who already had some power and position, but wanted more. The kingmen are the same king of people, those who already have recognized position, but want more. They want the hierarchical structures associated with kingship that will lend more associative value to their wealth.

Alma 51:9

9 But behold, this was a critical time for such contentions to be among the people of Nephi; for behold, Amalickiah had again stirred up the hearts of the people of the Lamanites against the people of the Nephites, and he was gathering together soldiers from all parts of his land, and arming them, and preparing for war with all diligence; for he had sworn to drink the blood of Moroni.

Political: Mormon clearly understands the relationship between internal and external contention. External wars are always draining on the resolves of a community, but when that community is united the support for the military campaigns is greater. When an external threat is combined with internal unrest, however, we have the most dangerous of conditions, a people who must defend themselves from themselves as well as from outsiders. It becomes even more serious when the faction creating the internal contention is sympathetic with those causing the outside contentions. In this case, the kingmen certainly have much in common with Amalickiah, who is the quintessential Kingman.

Alma 51:10

10 But behold, we shall see that his promise which he made was rash; nevertheless, he did prepare himself and his armies to come to battle against the Nephites.

Mormon foreshadows the result of this war and lets us know that the Nephites will eventually prevail. Mormon’s purpose is not to write a novel where one builds suspense, but to use history to teach a moral lesson, that of the value in obeying the commands of God. Mormon is setting up the situation where there are many Nephites who do not obey God, and therefore this will be a more difficult war, even though it will eventually be won.

Alma 51:11

11 Now his armies were not so great as they had hitherto been, because of the many thousands who had been slain by the hand of the Nephites; but notwithstanding their great loss, Amalickiah had gathered together a wonderfully great army, insomuch that he feared not to come down to the land of Zarahemla.

Amalickiah is able to gather another army to bring to bear on the Nephites. Mormon tells us that Amalickiah will “come down to the land of Zarahemla.” This not only indicates the relative elevation of the two lands, but it also uses Zarahemla as a convenient reference for the whole of the land. The attack will not come upon Zarahemla directly, but is upon the greater land of Zarahemla. It is against Zarahemla in the sense that Zarahemla stands for the hegemony of dependent city-states in the land of Zarahemla.

Alma 51:12

12 Yea, even Amalickiah did himself come down, at the head of the Lamanites. And it was in the twenty and fifth year of the reign of the judges; and it was at the same time that they had begun to settle the affairs of their contentions concerning the chief judge, Pahoran.

Textual: There are several times where Mormon has to discuss events that were taking place at the same time. There are relatively few ways to handle the description of simultaneous events, and Mormon presents one, and then the other, giving some reference as to the timing. In this case, Mormon has begun with the unrest in Zarahemla and the tensions between the freemen and the kingmen. He has now moved to the Lamanite attack because this will be the next focus of his narrative. Nevertheless, he needs to let us know that the unrest and the attack are developing at the same time. As he foreshadowed in verse 9 it is this combination of events that constitute “a critical time” for the Nephites.

Alma 51:13

13 And it came to pass that when the men who were called king-men had heard that the Lamanites were coming down to battle against them, they were glad in their hearts; and they refused to take up arms, for they were so wroth with the chief judge, and also with the people of liberty, that they would not take up arms to defend their country.

The king-men are at least sympathetic to the cause of the attacking Lamanites. This is perhaps an unusual situation that we need to examine. How is it that they expected that they would be in a better position if the Lamanites conquered the government of the Nephites? Once again the answer lies in the nature of conquest in Mesoamerica. The conquering army did not typically establish a physical presence, but rather extracted tribute. They tended to allow the local governments to continue to operate. The king-men were those with the kind of lineage rank that the Lamanites would recognize, and they were certainly more sympathetic to the social structure of the Lamanites than were the faithful Nephites. Thus these king-men could refuse to defend Zarahemla because it would be to their advantage for it to fall, even to an enemy. The result could easily elevate their position and allow them to install their version of social order which is, in all likelihood, closer to that of the Lamanites.

Alma 51:14

14 And it came to pass that when Moroni saw this, and also saw that the Lamanites were coming into the borders of the land, he was exceedingly wroth because of the stubbornness of those people whom he had labored with so much diligence to preserve; yea, he was exceedingly wroth; his soul was filled with anger against them.

Alma 51:15

15 And it came to pass that he sent a petition, with the voice of the people, unto the governor of the land, desiring that he should read it, and give him (Moroni) power to compel those dissenters to defend their country or to put them to death.

Moroni understood the implications of the timing of the Lamanite attack with internal dissention. He sought the power to do something about it. What he does is send a “petition, with the voice of the people.” This is a parallel procedure to the one that the king-men had used to alter the law. Their petition also came with the voice of the people (verse 3). As with the previous petition, it will also ultimately be decided by the voice of the people (verse 16).

Geographic: The point of attack for the Lamanites appears to have required a great deal of travel time for the Lamanite army:

“Amalickiah gathered together a large army and moved toward his attack point, the land of Moroni (v. 22). The distance for Amalickiah’s armies to travel must have been substantial (cf. 43:22-28, for between the time Moroni “saw that the Lamanites were coming into the borders of the land” and the actual attack, he had time to obtain the voice of the people to act against the king-men and to march forth against and defeat them, surely taking weeks (John L. Sorenson, The Geography of Book of Mormon Events. FARMS, 1990, p. 280).

Alma 51:16

16 For it was his first care to put an end to such contentions and dissensions among the people; for behold, this had been hitherto a cause of all their destruction. And it came to pass that it was granted according to the voice of the people.

Moroni is a student of history. He learned what Mormon has shown us, that these internal dissensions had “been hitherto a cause of all their destruction.” Knowing the potential danger of this particular dissent, he had asked for the ability to put down the rebellion by treating it as punishable by death (previous verse). It is interesting that the mechanism for granting his petition is listed as the voice of the people rather than the simple decision of the chief judge. It may be that this decision required the voice of the people because it threatened some of the people.

Alma 51:17

17 And it came to pass that Moroni commanded that his army should go against those king-men, to pull down their pride and their nobility and level them with the earth, or they should take up arms and support the cause of liberty.

Moroni takes military action. While this is a people whose crime is in refusing to fight, it presents a danger to the hegemony because of who they are, and the reasons for their abstinence. We should contrast these king-men with the people of Ammon. In both cases we have a people who have sworn not to take up arms. The difference is that for the people of Ammon this is a pledge to God that has endured through multiple contests. For the king-men it is a decision of convenience, calculated to improve their dissenting position in the land.

Language: Mormon notes that Moroni intended to “pull down their pride and their nobility and level them with the earth.” There is an imagery of height differential here that is symbolic of the intended social situation. What the king-men want is a hierarchical situation where they are higher. Thus Mormon was quite right in using the imagery of something taller being “torn down.” This high edifice of their pride will be “level… with the earth.” This is also an important social metaphor. Not only is the imagery one of pulling down a building, it is one of making that building location the same as the surrounding land. This, of course, is metaphorically the Nephite social ideal of egalitarianism.

Alma 51:18

18 And it came to pass that the armies did march forth against them; and they did pull down their pride and their nobility, insomuch that as they did lift their weapons of war to fight against the men of Moroni they were hewn down and leveled to the earth.

While the king-men may have decided not to take up arms in defense of the land of Zarahemla, they clearly took up arms in their own defense (yet another contrast to the people of Ammon). In spite of their attempts at defense, they are defeated by Moroni.

Literary: Mormon echoes the previous verses intent that Moroni would “pull down their pride and their nobility.” Without specifically noting how, Mormon simply indicates that they did “pull down their pride and their nobility.” Clearly Mormon intends to show that Moroni accomplished his goals. Note that he also includes the idea that they were “leveled to the earth.”

Alma 51:19

19 And it came to pass that there were four thousand of those dissenters who were hewn down by the sword; and those of their leaders who were not slain in battle were taken and cast into prison, for there was no time for their trials at this period.

There are many who are killed, and the leaders of the insurrection are imprisoned. It would appear that some version of trial was expected, because Mormon is cautious to tell us that this rapid imprisonment was justified by the circumstances, something he would not have needed to do unless he expected his readers to have the conception of the trial.

The number four thousand is a suspicious number. Any time the number four appears in a Mesoamerican context that is not a calendar, it should be immediate suspicious as an invented number that is important for its symbolic content more than as a count. The number four was the number of completion in Mesoamerican cultures, and 4,000 deaths could easily be seen as a ‘complete’ destruction of the dissidents (see also the article on Counts and Estimates in the Book of Mormon).

Alma 51:20

20 And the remainder of those dissenters, rather than be smitten down to the earth by the sword, yielded to the standard of liberty, and were compelled to hoist the title of liberty upon their towers, and in their cities, and to take up arms in defence of their country.

In addition to giving us the information that those who were willing to covenant to the cause of freedom were allowed to live and allowed into the Nephite army, we also learn something about the location of these dissidents. As we have seen in the case of Ammonihah and the Zoramites in Antionum, the rebellion appears to have been concentrated in specific locations. These locations were heavily dominated by the dissidents, to the point that afterward they hoited the title of liberty “upon their towers, and in their cities.” There were multiple cities involved in the rebellion.

Geographic: Where were these king-men cities? Sorenson suggests:

“They were concentrated in a particular area as shown by the statements that Moroni’s army “should go against” them and “did march forth.” More explicitly they were compelled to show the tgitle of liberty “upon their towers, and in their cities.” Had their area bveen upriver, they would simply have collaborated with the Lamaijntes (cf. v. 13), that they did not indicates that they were downriver (cf. Helaman 1:27, “capital parts of the land” downriver?).” (John L. Sorenson. The Geography of Book of Mormon Events. FARMS 1990, p. 280).

Alma 51:21

21 And thus Moroni put an end to those king-men, that there were not any known by the appellation of king-men; and thus he put an end to the stubbornness and the pride of those people who professed the blood of nobility; but they were brought down to humble themselves like unto their brethren, and to fight valiantly for their freedom from bondage.

Through rapid, direct, and drastic action, Moroni has quelled this dangerous internal division. At this point in time Moroni once again has a people that appear to be united against their common foe.

Alma 51:22

22 Behold, it came to pass that while Moroni was thus breaking down the wars and contentions among his own people, and subjecting them to peace and civilization, and making regulations to prepare for war against the Lamanites, behold, the Lamanites had come into the land of Moroni, which was in the borders by the seashore.

Geography: Moroni is a new city that was designed as part of the defensive system. It was one of the cities guarding the east seaward entrance into Book of Mormon lands. In Sorenson’s correlation to the topography of the Tehuantepec area, Moroni would be located on the north east of the Nephite territory. The Lamanite march would have been a long march around the Nephite lands through the eastern wilderness before emerging onto the lowlands in the gulf. This is a somewhat new area of approach for the Lamanites, requiring them to travel further east that when they attached through Antionum and on to Jershon. The reason for attacking this particular location was that the Sidon emptied into this gulf, and access to the lower Sidon meant access to the Sidon river valley which was the heartland of the Nephite holdings.

Alma 51:23

23 And it came to pass that the Nephites were not sufficiently strong in the city of Moroni; therefore Amalickiah did drive them, slaying many. And it came to pass that Amalickiah took possession of the city, yea, possession of all their fortifications.

The fortifications of the city were not the only part of its defense. Just as important to the defense of the city as the fortifications was the garrison attached to that city, and that garrison does not appear to have been sufficiently strong at Moroni. The city falls to the Lamanites and becomes a base for their operations in the lower Sidon valley.

Alma 51:24

24 And those who fled out of the city of Moroni came to the city of Nephihah; and also the people of the city of Lehi gathered themselves together, and made preparations and were ready to receive the Lamanites to battle.

Geography: Both Lehi and Nephihah were cities that were in a line with the Sidon river valley, and therefore keys to the lower entrance to the valley. The inhabitants of both of these cities would have realized that they were the next probable targets after the fall of Moroni.

Alma 51:25

25 But it came to pass that Amalickiah would not suffer the Lamanites to go against the city of Nephihah to battle, but kept them down by the seashore, leaving men in every city to maintain and defend it.

Alma 51:26

26 And thus he went on, taking possession of many cities, the city of Nephihah, and the city of Lehi, and the city of Morianton, and the city of Omner, and the city of Gid, and the city of Mulek, all of which were on the east borders by the seashore.

Amalickiah’s strategy was not to force a strike up the Sidon valley, but to control this lower access point. He concentrates on the seashore cities so that he could operate from a secure base without worry of Nephites in his rear. Ludlow notes the curious comment that Amaliciah prohibited the Lamanites from moving against Nephihah, but it appears in the list of conquered cities:

“Although the historian of this part of the record mentions in Alma 51:25 that the Lamanites decided not "to go against the city of Nephihah to battle," in the next verse the historian records that the Lamanites went on "taking possession of many cities, the city of Nephihah, and the city of Lehi . . . ," etc. Although it is not clear whether or not the historian intended to include the city of Nephihah in this list, it is evident that the city is captured later by the Lamanites. (See Alma 59:7-9.)” (Daniel H. Ludlow, A Companion to Your Study of the Book of Mormon [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1976], 236.)

The most likely scenario is that the coastal towns/cities were taken first, and with those bases secured, then Amalickiah was ready to move up the Sidon valley.

Alma 51:27

27 And thus had the Lamanites obtained, by the cunning of Amalickiah, so many cities, by their numberless hosts, all of which were strongly fortified after the manner of the fortifications of Moroni; all of which afforded strongholds for the Lamanites.

Alma 51:28

28 And it came to pass that they marched to the borders of the land Bountiful, driving the Nephites before them and slaying many.

Moroni’s strategy has been turned against him. The fortified cities that were to protect against the Lamanites now protected those same Lamanites. From these secure positions, the Lamanite army was able to march even farther northward to the borders of the land Bountiful. As the Lamanite army headed north, they were moving in the same direction as Morianton and his people had recently done.

Alma 51:29

29 But it came to pass that they were met by Teancum, who had slain Morianton and had headed his people in his flight.

Alma 51:30

30 And it came to pass that he headed Amalickiah also, as he was marching forth with his numerous army that he might take possession of the land Bountiful, and also the land northward.

Teancum notes that the Lamanite army is heading for the land Bountiful. If they were to continue their northward progress, they would end up at the narrow pass, so Teancum once again takes the shorter time-route to that point to await the Lamanite army.

Alma 51:31

31 But behold he met with a disappointment by being repulsed by Teancum and his men, for they were great warriors; for every man of Teancum did exceed the Lamanites in their strength and in their skill of war, insomuch that they did gain advantage over the Lamanites.

Alma 51:32

32 And it came to pass that they did harass them, insomuch that they did slay them even until it was dark. And it came to pass that Teancum and his men did pitch their tents in the borders of the land Bountiful; and Amalickiah did pitch his tents in the borders on the beach by the seashore, and after this manner were they driven.

Teancum and his men surprise the Lamanites and meet them in heated battle. Teancum’s forces are able to carry the day in battle, and two combatants retire to regroup and rest for the night.

Alma 51:33

33 And it came to pass that when the night had come, Teancum and his servant stole forth and went out by night, and went into the camp of Amalickiah; and behold, sleep had overpowered them because of their much fatigue, which was caused by the labors and heat of the day.

Alma 51:34

34 And it came to pass that Teancum stole privily into the tent of the king, and put a javelin to his heart; and he did cause the death of the king immediately that he did not awake his servants.

Teancum is able to sneak into the enemy camp, and directly into the king’s tent. This is not very surprising as this location would be distinguished from all others. In Mesoamerican warfare the location of the kings was not hidden. It was protected, but not hidden. It was the power of force that made the difference, not the inability of the enemy to find the leader of the army.

Alma 51:35

35 And he returned again privily to his own camp, and behold, his men were asleep, and he awoke them and told them all the things that he had done.

Alma 51:36

36 And he caused that his armies should stand in readiness, lest the Lamanites had awakened and should come upon them.

After having killed Amalickiah, Teancum returns and places his men on high alert. The Lamanite army will have two possible responses. They might leave with the death of their leader, or they may become vengeful and assume that the Nephites were behind it. Teancum could not count on the former, and so prepared for the latter.

Alma 51:37

37 And thus endeth the twenty and fifth year of the reign of the judges over the people of Nephi; and thus endeth the days of Amalickiah.

Textual: This is the end of a chapter in the 1830 edition. Mormon has broken his narrative here on a year marker, giving us one year’s worth of events in this chapter.