Ether 7

Ether 7:1

1 And it came to pass that Orihah did execute judgment upon the land in righteousness all his days, whose days were exceedingly many.

Ether 7:2

2 And he begat sons and daughters; yea, he begat thirty and one, among whom were twenty and three sons.

We are not told that Orihah had more than one wife, but having twenty three sons and then having more daughters strongly suggests that Orihah had more than one wife. Of course Jared and his brother are coming from the times of the early patriarchs were polygamy was rather common in the Biblical record, so it should not surprise us that it would be practiced by men coming from that time and place. In the New World, polygamy was an adaptive strategy that helped move smaller social units into larger and more successful ones.

The development of social segregation in Mesoamerica has been the subject of multiple theories and studies, but one study uses the archaeological information to support the hypothesis that the development of “institutionalized social inequality and political privilege”(John E. Clark and Michael Blake. “The Power of Prestige: Competitive Generosity and the Emergence of Rank Societies in Lowland Mesoamerica.” The Ancient Civilizations of Mesoamerica. Blackwell Publishers, 2000, p. 252.) was due to the internal social pressures of personal advancement. In terms of this theory, such seekers of advantage are termed “aggrandizers.”

“Aggrandizers simply strive to become more influential. It is the successful deployment of resources and labor that ultimately ensure the social and political longevity of an aggrandizer.” (Clark and Blake 2000, p. 253.) Building renown commences in the nuclear unit of production. An aggrandizer first accumulates deployable resources by the sweat of his brow, and through the efforts of his wife (wives) and children. The more wives and children the better.” (Clark and Blake 2000, p. 255)

This need to increase the economic influence was the probable impetus to polygamy in the early Nephite society, and it is no surprise to find it among the Jaredites. What is surprising, perhaps, is that while the implication of polygamy is clear, there is no indication that it was contrary to the will of God, such as we see in Nephite society with Jacob’s discourse in Jacob 2:23-33.

Chronology: The king-list chronology would place the reign of Orihah from 1120-1090 B.C.

Ether 7:3

3 And it came to pass that he also begat Kib in his old age. And it came to pass that Kib reigned in his stead; and Kib begat Corihor.

Linguistic: Bruce Warren (although Bruce Warren is only one of three authors, his background compared to the others strongly indicates that he is the source of this particular set of parallels) suggests that several Jaredite names have been retained in Mesoamerica:

Jaredite Names Used in Mesoamerica Today

Personal Names

Kib Name of the sixth month in the Yucatec Maya calendar.

Shule Name of the sixteenth day of the 260-day calendar in Yucatec.

Akish Close parallel to the Quiche Maya kaqix (Caquix) of the Popol Vuh. The name combines kaq "red" and qix "feather" and means the scarlet macaw parrot. (Tedlock 1996, 237). (The x is pronounced as sh in English in Mesoamerican words and names.)

Com Tzotzil Maya for "log stool" or "armadillo" (Laughlin 1975, 104).

Kish Two meanings for this word are available: (1) "kix" in Yucatec and Chol Maya, meaning "spine," "thorn," and maybe "stingray spine" (Stross 1998, e-mail) and (2) "kix" in the Palenque hieroglyphs "feather" (Kelley 1965, 112, 114, Figures 23, 34, 49-53)…

Shiblon The Shib or Xib part of the name is very common in Yucatec Maya-for example, Chak-Xib-Chak, EkXib-Chak, Sak-Xib-Chak, Kan-Xib-Chak, etc. (Blaine M. Yorgason, Bruce W. Warren, and Harold Brown. New Evidences of Christ in Ancient America. Book of Mormon Research Foundation, Stratford Books, 1999, p. 18).

The problem with each of these is not that they don’t appear to be similar to Maya, because they do. The problem is that they appear similar to a language that was not around at the time of the earliest Jaredites, and was never in that region of the country. The time depth for the Olmec language and the historical distribution of that language, tells us that the language would have been Mixe-Zoque. (Campbell, Lyle and Terrence Kaufman. “A Linguistic Look at the Olmecs.” American Antiquity. Vol. 41, 1976, pp. 80-89). The suggested parallels are something like finding words in modern German that look like something that we think came from ancient Rome. There might be load words because there was cultural connections, but the languages are distinct in time and place. Until historical reconstruction is done that shows each of these words to be related to Mixe-Zoquean (and reconstructed to the earlier time periods) then we should be ignore such superficial linguistic speculation. Even if we presume that the later Mosiah or Moroni “translated” the names, the most likely language of the Nephites after coming to Zarahemla would be Zoquean, not Maya. Zoquean is a daughter language of Mixe Zoque, so little change would be expected. At present, it is best to ignore these particular “proofs.”

Chronology: The king-list chronology would place the reign of Kib at 1090-1060 B.C.

Ether 7:4

4 And when Corihor was thirty and two years old he rebelled against his father, and went over and dwelt in the land of Nehor; and he begat sons and daughters, and they became exceedingly fair; wherefore Corihor drew away many people after him.

Corihor is not in the king-list because he rebelled against his father’s line. The separation of Corihor moves him out of the homeland of his father and to another land named Nehor, a name that became infamous in Nephite history. While the story line that Moroni gives has him drawing “away many people,” that cannot be the whole story. There is no historical problem with the fission of ruling lines, but the establishment of a new city that can be virtually immediately more powerful than the original suggests that there is history afoot that is not told in the recorded story.

From a historical standpoint, we must remember that this is a story that is told from the unique perspective of the descent line of Jared. This not only creates the interesting non-naming of the brother of Jared, but it also emphasizes the Jared-line to the exclusion of everything else that was happening at the time. The separation of Corihor could have taken him to other peoples who already had an established city, and that strength would have been ample to move against his father.

Ether 7:5

5 And when he had gathered together an army he came up unto the land of Moron where the king dwelt, and took him captive, which brought to pass the saying of the brother of Jared that they would be brought into captivity.

It is a generation removed from the death of Jared, and already we have the captivity of the Jared king-line. Moroni presents this captivity as a direct result of Jared’s prophecy about kings in Ether 6:23. It is also important for our understanding of the king list to note that while the king of the Jaredites has been captured, he remains in captivity. Therefore, the king-line will be able to continue, even when they are not empowered on a throne.

Nevertheless, the continuation of the king-line does not mean that the kingship has continued. The capture of the king would have created a superior-inferior relationship between the two cities/locations. There are no early texts to tell us whether or not the Olmec used this strategy, but we do know that the strategy of capturing kings and keeping them captive was used in later Maya warfare:

“Smoking-Squirrel's fame as a warrior was no doubt legend in the region of the Peten. His successful military campaigns upset the destinies of cities as dramatically as the past victories of his hated enemy, Caracol; and his postconquest strategies were cleverly designed to keep his enemies powerless. For example, by keeping his high-ranked captives, ShieldJaguar and Kinichil-Cab of Ucanal, alive for many years, Smoking-Squirrel most likely disrupted the succession within both their families and their kingdom. This elegant strategy created chaos in a social structure where these individuals could not be replaced until after they were dead.” (Linda Schele and David Freidel. A Forest of Kings. William Morrow and Company, Inc. New York, 1990, p. 194).

Ether 7:6

6 Now the land of Moron, where the king dwelt, was near the land which is called Desolation by the Nephites.

Geographic: Moroni gives us our geographic bearings by noting that the land of Moron is equivalent to Desolation, as it was known to the Nephites. This firmly places the Jaredite action above the narrow neck of land.

Ether 7:7

7 And it came to pass that Kib dwelt in captivity, and his people under Corihor his son, until he became exceedingly old; nevertheless Kib begat Shule in his old age, while he was yet in captivity.

The captivity of Kib was not one of complete imprisonment, as he is able to father a son. Of course that son would also have been in captivity. The political strategy appears to have been one that did kept Kib as a token king, and perhaps even allowed Corihor to presume to rule under combined authority, borrowing authority from Kib who was his captive, and still alive. Of course the reference to Kib for authority would have had no substance, but the conceptual tie may have been important.

Ether 7:8

8 And it came to pass that Shule was angry with his brother; and Shule waxed strong, and became mighty as to the strength of a man; and he was also mighty in judgment.

Ether 7:9

9 Wherefore, he came to the hill Ephraim, and he did molten out of the hill, and made swords out of steel for those whom he had drawn away with him; and after he had armed them with swords he returned to the city Nehor and gave battle unto his brother Corihor, by which means he obtained the kingdom and restored it unto his father Kib.

Historical: Shule is somehow able to leave the city of Nehor. After leaving, he is able to accumulate and army. The result of the battle is that Corihor is required to restore Kib to his kingdom.

Cultural: The most problematic statement in this verse is that Shule “did molten out of the hill, and made swords of steel.” Neither steel nor the smelting process is known for this period of time in Mesoamerica. However, even the use of the term steel is problematic, as it may be a linguistic mislabeling. We simply cannot tell who used the word steel to translate whatever was in Ether’s record.

Hamblin and Merrill suggest:

“Finally, we need to understand that Mosiah translated Ether's plates into social and linguistic concepts with which he was familiar. Mosiah, as king, possessed Laban's sword, a steel weapon that was passed down as one of the insignia of royalty. In translating Ether's record, Mosiah might thus have given the Jaredite kings steel swords, like the one he himself possessed, because in Mosiah's society a king was expected to have a steel sword as his royal weapon.” (William J. Hamblin and A. Brent Merrill. “Swords in the Book of Mormon.” Stephen D. Ricks and William J. Hamblin, eds., Warfare in the Book of Mormon [Salt Lake City and Provo: Deseret Book Co., Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, 1990], 347.)

The metal that might have been “molten” and which does at least have a time depth to the Jaredite/Olmec time period is iron:

“Iron use was documented in the statements of early Spaniards, who told of the Aztecs using iron-studded clubs. A number of artifacts have been preserved that are unquestionably of iron; their considerable sophistication, in some cases, at least suggests interest in this metal. (That is not surprising, since even a culture as simple as the Eskimo found iron—from meteors—valuable.) Few of these specimens have been chemically analyzed to determine whether the iron used was from meteors or from smelted ore. The possibility that smelted iron either has been or may yet be found is enhanced by a find at Teotihuacan. A pottery vessel dating to about A.D. 300, and apparently used for smelting, contained a "metallic-looking" mass. Analyzed chemically, it proved to contain copper and iron. Linne, the same Swedish archaeologist who made that find, accepted a piece of iron found in a tomb at Mitla, Oaxaca, as probably refined.

Without even considering smelted iron, we find that peoples in Mesoamerica exploited iron minerals from early times. Lumps of hematite, magnetite, and ilmenite were brought into Valley of Oaxaca sites from some of the thirty-six ore exposures located near or in the valley. These were carried to a workshop section within the site of San Jose Mogote as early as 1200 B.C. There they were crafted into mirrors by sticking the fragments onto prepared mirror backs and polishing the surface highly. These objects, clearly of high value, were traded at considerable distances. (This archaeologically established mineral processing was taking place within the valley that chapter I identified as the probable Jaredite land of Moron. The Jaredite record, a few centuries before the date of the San Jose Mogote finds, tells of the king who confined craftsmen who refused to pay taxes. There he compelled them to refine "his fine gold"—Ether 10:7.)” (John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon [Salt Lake City and Provo: Deseret Book Co., Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, 1985], 285.)

It is plausible, but obviously not certain, that the “molten/steel/swords” might have been the equivalent of the wooden macuahuitl lined with metal instead of obsidian, as was attested in some of the later Aztec cases. The obsidian had a much better cutting edge, but was not as durable.

Chronology: The average reign rule would place the rule of Shule at 1060 to 1030 B.C. However, the length of Shule’s reign may have been longer than the average, while others would have been shorter. Evidence noted below will suggest that Shule lives to his late seventies or into his eighties.

Ether 7:10

10 And now because of the thing which Shule had done, his father bestowed upon him the kingdom; therefore he began to reign in the stead of his father.

There is much that happens in this story of the early Jaredites that has the feel of manipulated history. This statement is one of them. We have a father who has the right of kingship. He is captured and held by a son, who becomes the king by virtue of holding the king captive. Then this same king is captured, and bestowed the kingdom on the son who rescued him.

The capture was never one of complete deprivation, because we know that Kib had a child after the capture. Now, after the “rescue,” the king is apparently still quite alive, but rather than returning to rule, bestows the kingdom on Shule. The way such things tended to work in the ancient world, it is more likely that Shule was the one who captured the king, and continued a type of imprisonment. It would appear that the one who controlled the person of the king could lay claim to political power, and when that person was Shule instead of Corihor, Shule gains political precedence. Since the king-line that is being traced will go through Shule, not Corihor, we have Shule’s actions painted as favorable and Corihor’s as unfavorable. The probable history was that they were the same kind of action.

Ether 7:11

11 And it came to pass that he did execute judgment in righteousness; and he did spread his kingdom upon all the face of the land, for the people had become exceedingly numerous.

This is once again the standard statement for the description of a prosperous king. If he was prosperous, it was because he obeyed the promise of the land. He “did execute judgment in righteousness,” therefore “he did spread his kingdom upon all the face of the land.”

Ether 7:12

12 And it came to pass that Shule also begat many sons and daughters.

Ether 7:13

13 And Corihor repented of the many evils which he had done; wherefore Shule gave him power in his kingdom.

Of course it is possible to take this verse at its word and accept that Corihor actually changed his heart and Shule really forgave him. It is possible that it happened just that way. If it did, however, it would be extremely rare in the history of political conflicts in the world. Western history is replete with kin who are murdered to protect a throne that they had not even yet threatened, but might in the future. The most likely scenario, historically, is that Shule was unable to completely defeat Shule, and that Corihor retained rulership in his land, even though he had lost control of Kib and therefore the larger area. It is important from a historical perspective to note that Corihor retains “power in his kingdom.” Shule may claim some control over Corihor, but Corihor retains power, and therefore a powerbase, which his sons will use.

Ether 7:14

14 And it came to pass that Corihor had many sons and daughters. And among the sons of Corihor there was one whose name was Noah.

Ether 7:15

15 And it came to pass that Noah rebelled against Shule, the king, and also his father Corihor, and drew away Cohor his brother, and also all his brethren and many of the people.

Ether 7:16

16 And he gave battle unto Shule, the king, in which he did obtain the land of their first inheritance; and he became a king over that part of the land.

Ether 7:17

17 And it came to pass that he gave battle again unto Shule, the king; and he took Shule, the king, and carried him away captive into Moron.

The feuding continues. There is clearly a power struggle happening here, and the family division that began with Corihor and Shule have solidified into different factions. Shule has control over both Moron and Nehor at the beginning of this episode. Noah is able to mobilize the family’s powerbase, but the fact that the text says that he is rebelling against Corihor suggests that Corihor has been firmly under Shule’s control. Again, that could be because he truly repented, or because he was under forced control as Kib had been.

The faction that was beholding to Corihor’s kin-group rebels and conquers Shule, and therefore they have the descendants of Corihor taking control of Moron, which is the ancestral home. Note that one of the results of the victory is that the king is captive. Because we have the example of the captive king in Kib and Shule, it strengthens the hypothesis that Corihor was a similar political captive.

Ether 7:18

18 And it came to pass as he was about to put him to death, the sons of Shule crept into the house of Noah by night and slew him, and broke down the door of the prison and brought out their father, and placed him upon his throne in his own kingdom.

The internecine war escalates. The official record of the lineage of Shule says that he was rescued “as he was about to [be] put… to death.” Of course this was also at night, so the “about to be” is somewhat relative. It is also historically suspicious. Both before this event and after, the way royal captives are treated is as living hostages. Once again we have the option of simply accepting this statement at face value, or realizing that it was written from the perspective of those who wanted to justify their actions, and saving their king from immanent murder would be a valiant motive. It is also quite possible that this was the cover story given for the raid, and that the life of Shule was not truly in danger. Neither Kib nor Corihor were executed, and subsequent captures also continue to live under their captors. It would appear that the captives were worth more alive than dead, leading us to the suspicion that this is simply the way the story was justified by the descendants of those who won, and therefore could write the history the way they wanted to.

Ether 7:19

19 Wherefore, the son of Noah did build up his kingdom in his stead; nevertheless they did not gain power any more over Shule the king, and the people who were under the reign of Shule the king did prosper exceedingly and wax great.

The rescue of Shule does not destroy Noah’s kingdom, even though Noah was executed. His son, Cohor (v. 20) will rule and continue to build up his own powerbase in Moron.

Ether 7:20

20 And the country was divided; and there were two kingdoms, the kingdom of Shule, and the kingdom of Cohor, the son of Noah.

Ether 7:21

21 And Cohor, the son of Noah, caused that his people should give battle unto Shule, in which Shule did beat them and did slay Cohor.

At this time we have a brief picture painted to two warring kingdoms. While that doesn’t give us a lot to go on, it does suggest fairly large population bases in two different locations. The ability to have a king implies a certain population, as a base of workers is required to support the king. The incessant warfare suggests a population that has sufficient younger men to mount successful military campaigns. None of this is overly surprising, and indeed the history of Mesoamerican appears to confirm such constant warfare. Where it is surprising is to note that we have this type of warfare in only the third generation removed from the original landing party. This both confirms the need for others in the land when the Jaredites arrive, and continues to suggest that the king-list is not complete. It is highly likely that there are several missing links between these kings and Jared.

Ether 7:22

22 And now Cohor had a son who was called Nimrod; and Nimrod gave up the kingdom of Cohor unto Shule, and he did gain favor in the eyes of Shule; wherefore Shule did bestow great favors upon him, and he did do in the kingdom of Shule according to his desires.

Nimrod tries a different tack than his fathers. Rather than fight against Shule, he appears to submit to him. As a result, Nimrod appears not only to retain control of his own lands, but he “did do in the kingdom of Shule according to his desires.”

Shule must be quite aged by this time. When he is dealing Nimrod he is dealing with the great-grandson of his brother, Corihor. Shule is probably seventy to eighty years old at this time.

Ether 7:23

23 And also in the reign of Shule there came prophets among the people, who were sent from the Lord, prophesying that the wickedness and idolatry of the people was bringing a curse upon the land, and they should be destroyed if they did not repent.

The book of Ether is written by a prophet, but the information on these early times clearly comes from the record of the kings. We see here a political system with prophets on the outside. This is very much the Old Testament model, and highlights the more unique Nephite model of so many years where prophet and ruler were the same.

The information about the prophets tells us much about the cultural situation in the land. The people are being chastised because of their “wickedness and idolatry.” Once again we return to the historical problem of the Jaredites and others in the land. Assuming for a moment that the Jaredites were alone in the land, and that the king-list is completely accurate, how does a people who are presumable believers in Jehovah turn to idolatry in only three generations removed from their founder? How did the idea even arise?

Of course in the situation as described in this commentary, the answer is quite simple. There were other people in the land, and they already had a culture that had their own idols. In the process of establishing their own kingdoms, the Jaredites did what the Nephites would do hundreds of years later. They began to adopt more than the political structure. Since the underpinnings of ancient kingship are almost always religious, the religion associated with the conceptions of kingship came along with the institution. The Jaredites became Mesoamericanized, and the Lord sent prophets to warn the people of this.

Ether 7:24

24 And it came to pass that the people did revile against the prophets, and did mock them. And it came to pass that king Shule did execute judgment against all those who did revile against the prophets.

When a prophet comes in – figuratively from the wilderness, if not literally – the people tend to revile. In the Bible, most of the prophets from the outside came to warn the people of their wickedness. People do not tend to enjoy being told that they are wicked, or that the lifestyle that they are enjoying is not the one that they should have. The reaction of the people descended from Jared is the same as the reaction of the people descended from Israel. They revile the prophets. In this case, Shule shows that he is a good man in that he prevents excess in the treatment of the prophets.

Ether 7:25

25 And he did execute a law throughout all the land, which gave power unto the prophets that they should go whithersoever they would; and by this cause the people were brought unto repentance.

Ether 7:26

26 And because the people did repent of their iniquities and idolatries the Lord did spare them, and they began to prosper again in the land. And it came to pass that Shule begat sons and daughters in his old age.

Note that verse 26 has the real conclusion to this part of the story. The people have had wars, and they have been wicked and idolatrous. Just as they had early been able to invoke the blessing of the land of promise, they are in danger of invoking the curse of the promised land. Through repentance they avoid being destroyed. As a result of their righteousness, they are not only saved from destruction, but they begin to prosper again. When Shule begets sons and daughters in his old age, we do not know if this statement is simply part of the formula to indicate prosperity, or if this is chronologically accurate. The chronological accuracy is somewhat doubtful, although it is possible that a man in his mid to late seventies might still be able to bear children.

Ether 7:27

27 And there were no more wars in the days of Shule; and he remembered the great things that the Lord had done for his fathers in bringing them across the great deep into the promised land; wherefore he did execute judgment in righteousness all his days.

The reign of Shule ends up in prosperity because he protected the prophets and the people repented. Therefore, Shule fits the pattern that is being emphasized, which is the relationship of the ruler, the people, their prosperity, and the great promise that is attached to the land.

Textual: There is no chapter break at this point in the 1830 edition.