Helaman 11


 



MDC Contents

 

 

 Hel. 11:1

1  And now it came to pass in the seventy and second year of the reign of the judges that the contentions did increase, insomuch that there were wars throughout all the land among all the people of Nephi.

 

Textual: Compare the end of the previous chapter with the beginning of this chapter:

 

Hel. 10:18

18  And it came to pass that they would not hearken unto his words; and there began to be contentions, insomuch that they were divided against themselves and began to slay one another with the sword.

Hel. 10:19

19  And thus ended the seventy and first year of the reign of the judges over the people of Nephi.

At the end of the previous chapter, which did end a chapter in Mormon’s plate text, we have the conclusion of a year in which contentions had begun. In the beginning of this chapter we have the beginning of the next year, and the mention of contention. Why were these two verses separated? The year marker is a convenient place for Mormon to break a narrative, and the rapidly approaching time of the Messiah’s gives Mormon increasing reason to make not of the time. The nature of this timeline is important to understand the events leading to the arrival of the Atoning Messiah.

 

Apart from the convenience, however, the previous chapter was about the specific prophecy of Nephi and its aftermath as it related to Nephi himself. In this chapter, the focus is not on the prophet Nephi, but rather on the events themselves, the events that begin to fulfill the prophecies of destruction that were part of Nephi’s message.

 

Hel. 11:2

2  And it was this secret band of robbers who did carry on this work of destruction and wickedness.  And this war did last all that year; and in the seventy and third year it did also last.

 

At this point we need to do a little historical dissecting of Mormon’s information so that we may more clearly understand what he is telling us. The necessary background is that the Gadiantons are in power in the land of Zarahemla. Secondly, even though there were believers in Nephi after the great manifestations, they still did not become the majority. The Gadiantons remained in power, retained the “voice of the people,” and most of all, retained their desire to transform Nephite society into something different from what it was. All of this tells us that the violence was not simply directed against sitting chief judges, but in general against the gospel-believing Nephites.

 

This is a civil war, with the Gadianton philosophy on the one hand and the traditional Nephite gospel on the other. The civil war has erupted out of long-standing differences, and with the shift in the statistical majority of people to favor the changes, the violence not only turns against the people of the gospel, but begins to succeed against them.

 

What is important for Mormon is that we associate the name Gadianton with this movement. Regardless of its origin, for Mormon it is entitled “Gadianton.” Even though this particular reign of Gadiantons has no discernible connection to the small band of Gadiantons from Nephi’s father’s day, nevertheless for Mormon it is important to see them as a continuation. For Mormon, the enemy is no longer called Nephite. It is called Gadianton. It is no longer in some other city. It is within the heart of Nephite lands.

 

Hel. 11:3

3  And it came to pass that in this year Nephi did cry unto the Lord, saying:

Hel. 11:4

4  O Lord, do not suffer that this people shall be destroyed by the sword; but O Lord, rather let there be a famine in the land, to stir them up in remembrance of the Lord their God, and perhaps they will repent and turn unto thee.

Hel. 11:5

5  And so it was done, according to the words of Nephi.  And there was a great famine upon the land, among all the people of Nephi.  And thus in the seventy and fourth year the famine did continue, and the work of destruction did cease by the sword but became sore by famine.

 

Nephi was given the power to call a famine in Helaman 10:6. In verse 5 he invokes that power. Verse 5 also tells us that the famine worked such that “the work of destruction did cease by the sword.” Why did the famine have this effect?

 

In the ancient world all food was produced locally. When an army marched, they were called up out of the fields, and there were fewer people to till. There were also more mouths to feed that were not growing food. The longer an army was actively in the field, the longer the rest of the people were required to produce more than their needs, or do with less, in order to feed the army. When a famine came, there wasn’t extra food, and all were needed to till the ground to simply support themselves. The famine caused the warring to end because there wasn’t food necessary to sustain war. Mormon tells us that not only was there not enough to sustain war, there was hardly enough at all. This was a severe famine. Many centuries later, famine played a role again in reducing the ability of a people to engage in war. One of the factors aiding the Spanish conquest of the Yucatan was a drought-enduced famine that killed large numbers of people (Diego de Landa. Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan. Editorial Porrua, Mexico, 1973, p. 25).

 

Hel. 11:6

6  And this work of destruction did also continue in the seventy and fifth year.  For the earth was smitten that it was dry, and did not yield forth grain in the season of grain; and the whole earth was smitten, even among the Lamanites as well as among the Nephites, so that they were smitten that they did perish by thousands in the more wicked parts of the land.

 

One of the major causes of famine was drought, and that appears to be the means by which Nephi was able to create the famine. By stopping the rain, he stopped the nourishment of the land, “that it was dry.” This is a widespread famine reaching even to the Lamanites, so there was no ability to receive assistance from them, though it was also a measure of protection from a hostile Lamanite raid.

 

Hel. 11:7

7  And it came to pass that the people saw that they were about to perish by famine, and they began to remember the Lord their God; and they began to remember the words of Nephi.

 

When Nephi prophesied destruction, everyone assumed that he meant military destruction. Even the judges suggested that destruction was impossible, “for behold, we are powerful, and our cities great, therefore our enemies can have no power over us” (Helaman 8:6). When the famine came, the people began to realize that even though their cities were powerful, they were not powerful against drought and famine. The people began to see that destruction might really come through this famine, and therefore they remembered that Nephi had prophesied destruction, a destruction they appeared to be living. When they truly remembered, they believed, and took action.

 

Hel. 11:8

8  And the people began to plead with their chief judges and their leaders, that they would say unto Nephi: Behold, we know that thou art a man of God, and therefore cry unto the Lord our God that he turn away from us this famine, lest all the words which thou hast spoken concerning our destruction be fulfilled.

 

The people understand that the chief judges and other leaders who are Gadiantons are those who had been behind the civil war against Nephi and other believers in the gospel. Their desperation-turned-to-belief led them to petition their leaders to listen to Nephi and ask Nephi to turn away the famine.

 

Hel. 11:9

9  And it came to pass that the judges did say unto Nephi, according to the words which had been desired.  And it came to pass that when Nephi saw that the people had repented and did humble themselves in sackcloth, he cried again unto the Lord, saying:

Hel. 11:10

10  O Lord, behold this people repenteth; and they have swept away the band of Gadianton from amongst them insomuch that they have become extinct, and they have concealed their secret plans in the earth.

 

Mormon has left out history that we would love to know. How did we move from the Gadiantons in power to the extinction of the Gadiantons in such a short time? Since Mormon does not tell us, the answer must be speculative, but it can be a speculation based on the known facts of Nephite society at this time period.

 

We have noted that there had been a shift in the statistical base of the population supporting the new reforms and new ways over a continuation of the old Nephite religion and law. This new reform was the program of the Gadiantons, and it had popular support. The voice of the people apparently removed Nephi from office as the chief judge, and sustained the Gadiantons during the increase in prosperity. As the famine continued, the people returned to their belief in the old religion, and readopted at least the understanding that Nephi was a prophet and he should be a leader of the people. Thus the voice of the people would have turned against the Gadiantons, and toward Nephi and the gospel. Just has the voice of the people had removed Nephi, it appears to have removed the Gadiantons.

 

We do not know how the total elimination of the Gadiantons was effected. Perhaps they were exiled. Perhaps they were executed for crimes in the civil war. In any case, what we appear to have at this point is a people who have purged the Gadiantons and their program from out of their midst, and have returned to the gospel. It is also important to note that Mormon makes certain that the Gadiantons are not irretrievably gone. They bury the essence of who they are in the ground so that it may be found again.

 

In the Mesoamerican world there is a long tradition of burying things in the ground that are considered sacred or an offering to the gods. Perhaps something of the Gadiantons was involved with these foreign gods, and therefore they buried something as an offering. Regardless of what it might have actually been, for Mormon the reality of the action is less important that the symbolism of the action. Mormon mentions the burying in the ground not for the burying, but for the finding again. This will become important in the resurrection of the Gadiantons in verse 26 of this chapter.

 

When we next find the Gadiantons we find them beginning life as a band in the hills. It would appear from this evidence that the true fate of the Gadiantons was exile. Perhaps it was more a flight for their lives. In any case, the explanation of the next arising of the Gadiantons would be that they constituted the remnant of these ruling Gadiantons who were removed from power.

 

Hel. 11:11

11  Now, O Lord, because of this their humility wilt thou turn away thine  anger, and let thine anger be appeased in the destruction of those wicked men whom thou hast already destroyed.

Hel. 11:12

12  O Lord, wilt thou turn away thine anger, yea, thy fierce anger, and cause that this famine may cease in this land.

 

It is the destruction of the wicked that was Nephi’s desire when he brought the famine. Having achieved that, Nephi was willing to free the land, and so he prays to God. Of course God had given him the power, so the conclusion is certain. It is quite probable that this prayer was given in public. This was a public problem, and it required a public solution. Just as Nephi’s public accusation of the murderer of Seezoram made him known as a prophet, so too the breaking of the famine after a public request to God would not only solidify Nephi as a prophet, but it would highlight God as the one who had the power to act rather than Nephi. There had been those who had thought Nephi himself to be a god (Helaman 9:41). By praying in public and accrediting the release of the grip of famine to God, Nephi affirmed God’s preeminence and Nephi’s position as God’s servant rather than a god himself.

 

Hel. 11:13

13  O Lord, wilt thou hearken unto me, and cause that it may be done according to my words, and send forth rain upon the face of the earth, that she may bring forth her fruit, and her grain in the season of grain.

Hel. 11:14

14  O Lord, thou didst hearken unto my words when I said, Let there be a famine, that the pestilence of the sword might cease; and I know that thou wilt, even at this time, hearken unto my words, for thou saidst that: If this people repent I will spare them.

Hel. 11:15

15  Yea, O Lord, and thou seest that they have repented, because of the famine and the pestilence and destruction which has come unto them.

Hel. 11:16

16  And now, O Lord, wilt thou turn away thine anger, and try again if they will serve thee?  And if so, O Lord, thou canst bless them according to thy words which thou hast said.

 

The famine had been caused by the heavenly waters being stopped up, and therefore the signal that the famine was ending would be the arrival of rain. Thus the specific way that Nephi asks that the famine end is that rain might come (verse 13).

 

Hel. 11:17

17  And it came to pass that in the seventy and sixth year the Lord did turn away his anger from the people, and caused that rain should fall upon the earth, insomuch that it did bring forth her fruit in the season of her fruit.  And it came to pass that it did bring forth her grain in the season of her grain.

 

Even though Nephi’s prayer for the lifting of the famine was accepted, the process by which the famine was abated was a natural one. The rain fell and the crops grew. There was no miracle manna. There was rain in season. We do not know how long it took for the rain to fall. We know that in verse six it was the seventy fifth year, and rain falls in the seventy sixth. The text makes it appear that the prayer occurs in the seventy fifth year, with the rain coming in the next season. In any case, the resolution of the famine came through natural means, even though it was God who was behind nature.

 

Hel. 11:18

18  And behold, the people did rejoice and glorify God, and the whole face of the land was filled with rejoicing; and they did no more seek to destroy Nephi, but they did esteem him as a great prophet, and a man of God, having great power and authority given unto him from God.

 

Finally the people acknowledge Nephi as a prophet. They saw a prophetic miracle in the naming of the murderer of the chief judge, but many were able to dismiss that by assuming Nephi’s complicity. In this case, however, Nephi has shown the great power of God to not only stop the rains, but to start them again. The people feared to believe Nephi when the famine was sore, when it was relieved, they “did rejoice” to see him as a prophet.

 

The result of this economic disaster and subsequent recovery was to force the Gadiantons out of Nephite rule. As we will see, however, it did not force unanimity of opinion among the Nephites. The changes brought on by desperation may have changed the people’s perception of pragmatic belief, but their fundamental tendencies to division would return.

 

Hel. 11:19

19  And behold, Lehi, his brother, was not a whit behind him as to things pertaining to righteousness.

 

Mormon’s story is about Nephi, and the calling of the famine and its release are very important to the narrative line that explains how the Gadiantons were removed from power. Mormon has not had much call to discuss Lehi, but apparently his source records did contain information about Lehi. Mormon’s respect for him leads him to indicate that he, too, was a righteous man and “not a whit behind” his brother. Considering the power of Nephi that is recorded, Lehi was also a great prophet and trusted by the Lord. The prominence of Nephi in the narrative comes from his position as the leader of the church, a position he held simultaneously with the chief judge’s seat, and retained even though he was no longer a chief judge.

 

Hel. 11:20

20  And thus it did come to pass that the people of Nephi began to prosper again in the land, and began to build up their waste places, and began to multiply and spread, even until they did cover the whole face of the land, both on the northward and on the southward, from the sea west to the sea east.

 

Prior to the famine the Nephites had prospered and become wealthy and strong. The problem with their wealth is that it led to a desire to reject the egalitarian principles of their gospel and to adopt the social hierarchies of the world around them. When the rains came and the famine was abated, all of the factors that had led to that increase in wealth were still in place. Now that there was food, trade could continue and the people “began to prosper again in the land.” The famine had changed their focus from wealth to survival. When the survival was assured, all of the processes that had led to the previous prosperity were reestablished.

 

Hel. 11:21

21  And it came to pass that the seventy and sixth year did end in peace.  And the seventy and seventh year began in peace; and the church did spread throughout the face of all the land; and the more part of the people, both the Nephites and the Lamanites, did belong to the church; and they did have exceedingly great peace in the land; and thus ended the seventy and seventh year.

 

Chronological: The seventy-seventh year of the reign of the judges would be approximately 18BC in the correlation used in this commentary.

 

Hel. 11:22

22  And also they had peace in the seventy and eighth year, save it were a few contentions concerning the points of doctrine which had been laid down by the prophets.

 

Mormon notes that there was peace, but Mormon’s narrative will have that peace turning to contention. He leads us into the contention gradually. It begins by differences in religion. As we have noted throughout this commentary, religion and politics were tightly connected. This contention begins religiously, but these seeds of religious dissention will so political disruption.

 

Hel. 11:23

23  And in the seventy and ninth year there began to be much strife.  But it came to pass that Nephi and Lehi, and many of their brethren who knew concerning the true points of doctrine, having many revelations daily, therefore they did preach unto the people, insomuch that they did put an end to their strife in that same year.

 

Had the Nephites understood how to listen, the solution to their doctrinal difficulties was available. “Nephi and Lehi, and many of their brethren who knew concerning the true points of doctrin, having many revelations daily…” did teach. When there is a doctrinal difference of opinion, men may debate it endlessly. Talented men may create wonderful arguments. They may still be wrong in spite of their wonderful arguments.

 

The key to doctrinal debate is the very key Mormon gives us. Revelation is the answer. These things come from God, and he knows the resolution to the issue. He will tell his prophets, and they will tell us. We may know how to resolve an issue only when God gives us the answer from his perspective. Until then, we are using our might to tell God what the answer ought to be.

 

When Nephi, Lehi, and their brethren taught, the knowledge from God was available. As always, however, it was available through men, and because they were men, other men could dismiss them. Even with the great power of men such as Nephi and Lehi, men are able to see only the humanity and miss the truth of God that they teach. Thus the contentions arise, thus the truth was taught, but the dissentions will continue.

 

Hel. 11:24

24  And it came to pass that in the eightieth year of the reign of the judges over the people of Nephi, there were a certain number of the dissenters from the people of Nephi, who had some years before gone over unto the Lamanites, and taken upon themselves the name of Lamanites, and also a certain number who were real descendants of the Lamanites, being stirred up to anger by them, or by those dissenters, therefore they commenced a war with their brethren.

Hel. 11:25

25  And they did commit murder and plunder; and then they would retreat back into the mountains, and into the wilderness and secret places, hiding themselves that they could not be discovered, receiving daily an addition to their numbers, inasmuch as there were dissenters that went forth unto them.

Hel. 11:26

26  And thus in time, yea, even in the space of not many years, they became an exceedingly great band of robbers; and they did search out all the secret plans of Gadianton; and thus they became robbers of Gadianton.

 

Cultural: No more than five years after Nephi’s prayer recorded in verse 10 indicated that the Gadiantons had been “swept away… insomuch that they have become extinct,” we have them returning. The return of the Gadiantons fits into the pattern that Mormon has been weaving about the Gadiantons, and it is valuable to assess this information in light of Mormon’s patterning.

 

First there is a continued connection from the Nephites. While there may be Lamanites in the Gadianton band, there are also disaffected Nephites who had left the land. One of the important traits of the Gadiantons is always the connection, or the connectability, to the Nephites themselves. For Mormon, part of the pain of the Gadianton problem is precisely that it comes from within the Nephite people. Either they are directly supporting it, as they did with the immediately previous Gadiantons who ruled in the Zarahemla, or they are supplying the Gadiantons with followers from among the disaffected Nephites.

 

Next, the catalogue of the Gadiantons returns. Whenever we see them, we see the same basic set of “murder and plunder” that we find in verse 25. When the Gadiantons were in power in Zarahemla, the murders were political and the plundering was most probably a form of military exercise to create tribute cities. This new band of Gadiantons is not yet a full-fledged city, but it appears to be becoming one.  Mormon appears to be describing the process of the establishment of a new city in the mountains. It is created by those who were once Nephites but have dissented, and by Lamanites. This tells us that the politico-religious beliefs of the people are certainly not going to follow the Nephite tradition of politics or religion.

 

In addition, however, Mormon notes that this new organization in the mountains seeks out the “secret plans of Gadianton, and thus they became robbers of Gadianton.” In previous incarnations the Gadiantons appear to represent a particular type of political influence, particularly evidenced when they were in power in Zarahemla.

 

In Helaman 3 we saw Mormon making a connection between the Nephites and the land northward. That connection becomes important in Mormon’s reading of the Gadianton threat in his own day. While the Teotihuacán influence is not archaeologically known until a hundred or more years from this particular point in Mormon’s narrative, Mormon appears to be making connections between the Gadianton presence and some type of foreign element that is neither Nephite nor Lamanite, yet is supported by both. He also emphasizes the militaristic nature of this group through the emphasis on murders and plunderings that are associated with it. In that context it is important to note the type of effect that Teotihuacán had on the Maya area:

 

“Crucially, it is in Teotihuacán art abroad, and specifically in the Maya area, that the themes of militarism and political order are at their most prominent. In a very real sense, information from the May opens a special vista on its great and influential contemporary, while supplying equally vital information about how the Maya viewed themselves.

Evidence of the impact of Teotihuacán on the Maya can be established archaeologically from its art and iconography and, in recent years, also from hieroglyphic inscriptions. Each offers its own vie wand approach, but it is the role played by Teotihuacán in Maya art that is most conspicuous.

It is important to note the lack of any true fusion between the two styles; it is quite clear that Teotihuacán motifs are always to be viewed as “foreign” and “alien.” (Simon Martin. “The Power in the West – The Maya and Teotihuacán.” Ed. Nikolai Grube. Maya. Divine Kings of the Rain Forest. Konemann, Cologne, 2001, pp. 103-4).

 

Even though the presence of Teotihucanos in the Maya are may be presciently anachronistic in this part of Mormon’s narrative, it nevertheless appears to be a particular connection that Mormon has made based on his own times, and projected backwards onto the struggles of the Nephites around the time of the birth of Christ.

 

Whether or not there was Mormon’s implied foreign influence at this point in time, there is, in Mormon’s description of this band of Gadiantons, a rather interesting view into the foundation of a new city in the Mesoamerican world. The case of Dos Pilas provides an interesting parallel, even though it dates to over 650 years after the events Mormon is currently describing.

 

“The emergence of the Dos Pilas polity is one of the rare cases in which an internal struggle - the kind of factional dispute within a kingdom that would normally leave no trace in the inscriptions - erupts into something more visible and enduring.” (Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube. Chronicle of the Maya Kings and Queens. Thames & Hudson, London, 2000, p. 56)

 

The story of Dos Pilas appears to originate in the kind of internal factionalism that we have been seeing in Zarahemla. In the case of Dos Pilas, one of the Lords of Tikal leaves that city to form a new city, Dos Pilas.

 

“In the wake of Tikal’s conquest in 562 a new lineage of uncertain legitimacy established itself at the city. Plausibly, B’alaj Chan K’awiil was of the same line, perhaps as a full Tikal king, ousted in a coup that brought a rival lineage to power.” (Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube. Chronicle of the Maya Kings and Queens. Thames & Hudson, London, 2000, p. 56-67)

 

The rank of B’alaj Chan K’awiil and the plausible forced removal from power would also provide a parallel to the expulsion of the Gadiantons from Zarahemla. In the case of B’alaj Chan K’awiil, he makes an alliance with another powerful city-state (Calakmul, an enemy to Tikal) and then establishes a new city, Dos Pilas. With even greater significance for our understanding of Mormon’s narrative, one of the very next recorfded acts of B’alaj Chan K’awiil was a military attack on Tikal. The result of the attack was inconclusive, and the civil war between Tikal and Dos Pilas (with the help of Calakmul) continued for at least 20 years, still ending without a decisive defeat of either city. (Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube. Chronicle of the Maya Kings and Queens. Thames & Hudson, London, 2000, p. 57).

 

Even with the separation of 650 years, the relationship of Tikal and Dos Pilas can provide an illustrative model for the political intrigues that Mormon appears to be describing. Overlaid on the base historical information is Mormon’s editorial insistence upon linking this process to the Gadianton robbers. Mormon’s label of “robbers” will cloud our vision of this band of Gadiantons, but the later descriptions of these Gadiantons suggests more in common with the Tikal-Dos Pilas story than with brigands.

 

Hel. 11:27

27  Now behold, these robbers did make great havoc, yea, even great destruction among the people of Nephi, and also among the people of the Lamanites.

 

The location of these new Gadiantons in the mountains serves as a base for their actions. Just as one of the first acts of Dos Pilas was the beginning of a war, so too is one of the first acts of these Gadiantons an attack upon the people of Nephi. Mormon does not give us much to work with in this description, but he does call it a “destruction.” Unfortunately, we are unable to draw many conclusions from the term because this is a term so tightly tied to Mormon’s editorial conception of the Gadiantons that it is what they must do. Gadiantons cause destruction. These are Gadianton, therefore they destroy. For Mormon’s narrative purpose, the model is perfect. For our historical interests, there is much that might have been said in addition. We will need to wait for more information on the Gadiantons and this putative new city.

 

One piece of information that is of note is that these Gadiantons are causing destruction “also among the people of the Lamanites.” Even though there were Lamanites who were part of the group that founded the Gadiantons, Mormon is setting the Gadiantons apart as a separate conceptual unit from both Lamanite and Nephite. This will be compatible with Mormon’s later assertion that they are representative of a foreign element.

 

Hel. 11:28

28  And it came to pass that it was expedient that there should be a stop put to this work of destruction; therefore they sent an army of strong men  into the wilderness and upon the mountains to search out this band of robbers, and to destroy them.

Hel. 11:29

29  But behold, it came to pass that in that same year they were driven back even into their own lands.  And thus ended the eightieth year of the reign of the judges over the people of Nephi.

 

A counter attack is launched against the Gadianton which fails. The Nephites would have sent a reasonable force, and that reasonable force was beaten back. This very fact tells us that the location of the Gadiantons in the mountains was fortified. The Gadiantons were no guerilla robbers who faded into the mountains, not to be found. (Daniel C. Peterson. “The Gadianton Robbers as Guerilla Warriors.” Warfare in the Book of Mormon. FARMS, Salt Lake City, 1990, pp. 146-173 presents the argument that the Gadiantons were indeed, such guerilla warriors. Peterson is reading the text for the more direct surface meaning rather than looking below the level of Mormon’s descriptions. Thus he does not deal with the implications of the descriptions as much as he used the descriptions themselves. For instance, he takes the terms “plunder and rob and murder” at their face value rather than as code words for the Gadianton establishment of tribute-relations through military action. Obviously the interpretation used in this commentary requires extra cultural content, and a recontextualizing of those terms. However, as has been argued, the descriptions of the events fit best into the Mesoamerican tribute pattern, particularly when the Gadiantons exercised the same termed actions when they controlled Zarahemla.) They actively beat back the Nephites. This tells us that there was an engagement, and the “army of strong men” sent by the Nephites was insufficient. The Gadiantons must therefore also have their own army of strong men, and most likely have a fortified location. They must have built a city.

 

Hel. 11:30

30  And it came to pass in the commencement of the eighty and first year they did go forth again against this band of robbers, and did destroy many; and they were also visited with much destruction.

Hel. 11:31

31  And they were again obliged to return out of the wilderness and out of the mountains unto their own lands, because of the exceeding greatness of the numbers of those robbers who infested the mountains and the wilderness.

 

The campaign of the previous year was inconclusive. The Nephites attempt another campaign in the very next year. That one also fails, though they do inflict damage on the Gadiantons. In just a short time these Gadiantons have tremendous numbers. This is an important piece of information, because large numbers of people must require certain kinds of an infrastructure. To feed large numbers of people one must have an agricultural base. It cannot be done with a hunting base alone, and could not be done on the basis of theft either. The only way that large numbers of people in a concentrated location can be fed is through agriculture.

 

The presence of agriculture requires permanence of residence. One cannot move planted fields from one place to another. The effect of Mormon’s information that there were large numbers of Gadiantons is to confirm to us that they must have a city. They must have an organization that can not only feed, but also defend, a large number of people. Such things require a high degree of social organization, and argues for an incipient city-state rather than a band of guerilla robbers.

 

Hel. 11:32

32  And it came to pass that thus ended this year.  And the robbers did still increase and wax strong, insomuch that they did defy the whole armies of the Nephites, and also of the Lamanites; and they did cause great fear to come unto the people upon all the face of the land.

Hel. 11:33

33  Yea, for they did visit many parts of the land, and did do great destruction unto them; yea, did kill many, and did carry away others captive into the wilderness, yea, and more especially their women and their children.

 

The Gadiantons are extremely strong, and exercise their might in many parts of the land. As part of their conquests they take back captives. Mormon indicates that the took “more especially their women and their children.” Although the women and children were taken “more especially,” the men were clearly taken as well. If we assume that the Gadiantons are operating under cultural contexts known for Mesoamerica, the capture of men is typically for sacrificial purposes. There were other sacrificial rites where women and children were sacrificed, and it may be that this was to be their ultimate fate as well. Mormon simply highlights the women and children. By highlighting the women and children he emphasizes the wickedness of the Gadiantons.

 

Hel. 11:34

34  Now this great evil, which came unto the people because of their iniquity, did stir them up again in remembrance of the Lord their God.

 

Once again the necessity of facing adversity brings a temporary respite to the Nephite internal contention. When the famine was in full force they were too hungry to worry about contentions. When they faced a mutual outward, dangerous foe, they were focused on that external threat, and had no time for internal contentions. Unfortunately the abating of the contentions is not the same as the removal of the causes of the contentions. They will return.

 

Hel. 11:35

35  And thus ended the eighty and first year of the reign of the judges.

Hel. 11:36

36  And in the eighty and second year they began again to forget the Lord their God.  And in the eighty and third year they began to wax strong in iniquity.  And in the eighty and fourth year they did not mend their ways.

 

When the immediate focus on the new threat of the Gadiantons moves into routine, the Nephites return to routines that include the development of the internal contentions that have plagued them for long years. Based on all of the past occurrences, we can tell what was happening even though Mormon is no more specific than saying “they began to wax strong in iniquity.” For the Nephites, this iniquity was a desire for social hierarchies and the wealth and prestige seen in the world around them.

 

Hel. 11:37

37  And it came to pass in the eighty and fifth year they did wax stronger and stronger in their pride, and in their wickedness; and thus they were ripening again for destruction.

Hel. 11:38

38  And thus ended the eighty and fifth year.

 

Chronological: the eighty-fifth year of the reign of the judges would be approximately 11 BC.

 

Textual: There is no chapter break at this point in the 1830 edition.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

by Brant Gardner. Copyright 2002